Digitizing - ANITHAISIVA/CH-SIVA-MOHAN- GitHub Wiki

Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing or digitization[1] is the representation of an object, image, sound, document or a signal (usually an analog signal) by a discrete set of its points or samples. The result is called digital representation or, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, and digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal in digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image or capture the "corners" where the lines end or change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] as it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled

Query History Job History My Project 1

No datasets found in this project.

Please create a dataset or select a new project from the menu above. publicdata:samples Saved Queries Destinations Digitizing Doctor–patient relationship Recent Queries Sep 11 Edit Query Doctor–patient relationship he doctor–patient relationship is central to the practice of healthcare and is essential for the delivery of high-quality health care in the diagnosis and treatment of disease. The doctor–patient relationship forms one of the foundations of contemporary medical ethics. Most universities teach students from the beginning, even before they set foot in hospitals, to maintain a professional rapport with patients, uphold patients’ dignity, and respect their privacy. Importance A medical officer explains an x-ray to the patient. The doctor is providing medical advice to this patient. A physician performs a standard physical examination on his patient. A patient must have confidence in the competence of their physician and must feel that they can confide in him or her. For most physicians, the establishment of good rapport with a patient is important. Some medical specialties, such as psychiatry and family medicine, emphasize the physician–patient relationship m... Query Text: Doctor–patient relationship he doctor–patient relationship is central to the practice of healthcare and is essential for the delivery of high-quality health care in the diagnosis and treatment of disease. The doctor–patient relationship forms one of the foundations of contemporary medical ethics. Most universities teach students from the beginning, even before they set foot in hospitals, to maintain a professional rapport with patients, uphold patients’ dignity, and respect their privacy. Importance A medical officer explains an x-ray to the patient. The doctor is providing medical advice to this patient. A physician performs a standard physical examination on his patient. A patient must have confidence in the competence of their physician and must feel that they can confide in him or her. For most physicians, the establishment of good rapport with a patient is important. Some medical specialties, such as psychiatry and family medicine, emphasize the physician–patient relationship more than others, such as pathology or radiology. The quality of the patient–physician relationship is important to both parties. The better the relationship in terms of mutual respect, knowledge, trust, shared values and perspectives about disease and life, and time available, the better will be the amount and quality of information about the patient's disease transferred in both directions, enhancing accuracy of diagnosis and increasing the patient's knowledge about the disease. Where such a relationship is poor the physician's ability to make a full assessment is compromised and the patient is more likely to distrust the diagnosis and proposed treatment, causing decreased compliance to actually follow the medical advice. In these circumstances and also in cases where there is genuine divergence of medical opinions, a second opinion from another physician may be sought or the patient may choose to go to another physician. Michael Balint pioneered the study of the physician patient relationship in the UK with his wife Enid Balint resulting in the publication of the seminal book "The Doctor, His Patient and the Illness." Balint's work is continued by the Balint Society, The International Balint Federation[1] and other national Balint societies in other countries. In terms of efficacy (i.e. the outcome of treatment), the doctor–patient relationship seems to have a small, but statistically significant impact on healthcare outcomes.[2] Recognising that patients receive the best care when they work in partnership with doctors, the UK General Medical Council issued guidance for patients "What to expect from your doctor" in April 2013.[3][4] Aspects of relationship The following aspects of the doctor–patient relationship are the subject of commentary and discussion. Informed consent Main article: Informed consent The default medical practice for showing respect to patients is for the doctor to be truthful in informing the patient of their health and to be direct in asking for the patient's consent before giving treatment. Historically in many cultures there has been a shift from paternalism, the view that the "doctor always knows best," to the idea that patients must have a choice in the provision of their care and be given the right to provide informed consent to medical procedures.[5] There can be issues with how to handle informed consent in a doctor–patient relationship;[6] for instance, with patients who do not want to know the truth about their condition. Furthermore, there are ethical concerns regarding the use of placebo. Does giving a sugar pill lead to an undermining of trust between doctor and patient? Is deceiving a patient for his or her own good compatible with a respectful and consent-based doctor–patient relationship?[7] Shared decision making Health advocacy messages such as this one encourage patients to talk with their doctors about their healthcare. Main article: Shared decision making Shared decision making is the idea that as a patient gives informed consent to treatment, that person also is given an opportunity to choose among the treatment options according to their own treatment goals and wishes. A practice which is an alternative to this is for the doctor to make a person's health decisions without considering that person's treatment goals or having that person's input into the decision-making process. The spectrum of a physician’s inclusion of a patient into treatment decisions is well represented in Ulrich Beck’s World at Risk. At one end of this spectrum is Beck’s Negotiated Approach to risk communication, in which the communicator maintains an open dialogue with the patient and settles on a compromise on which both patient and physician agree. A majority of physicians employ a variation of this communication model to some degree, as it is only with this technique that a doctor can maintain the open cooperation of his or her patient. At the opposite end of this spectrum is the Technocratic Approach to risk communication, in which the physician exerts authoritarian control over the patient’s treatment and pushes the patient to accept the treatment plan with which they are presented. This communication model places the physician in a position of omniscience and omnipotence over the patient and leaves little room for patient contribution to a treatment plan. [8] Physician superiority The physician may be viewed as superior to the patient simply because the physician has the knowledge and credentials and is most often the one that is on home ground. The physician–patient relationship is also complicated by the patient's suffering (patient derives from the Latin patior, "suffer") and limited ability to relieve it on his or her own, potentially resulting in a state of desperation and dependency on the physician. A physician should at least be aware of these disparities in order to establish a good rapport and optimize communication with the patient. It may be further beneficial for the doctor–patient relationship to have a form of shared care with patient empowerment to take a major degree of responsibility for her or his care. Benefiting or pleasing A dilemma may arise in situations where determining the most efficient treatment, or encountering avoidance of treatment, creates a disagreement between the physician and the patient, for any number of reasons. In such cases, the physician needs strategies for presenting unfavorable treatment options or unwelcome information in such a way that minimizes strain on the doctor-patient relationship while benefiting the patient's overall physical health and best interests. Formal or casual There may be differences in opinion between the doctor and patient in how formal or casual the doctor–patient relationship should be. For instance, according to a Scottish study,[9] patients want to be addressed by their first name more often than is currently the case. In this study, most of the patients either liked (223) or did not mind (175) being called by their first names. Only 77 disliked it, most of whom were aged over 65.[9] On the other hand, most patients don't want to call the doctor by his or her first name.[9] Some familiarity with the doctor generally makes it easier for patients to talk about intimate issues such as sexual subjects, but for some patients, a very high degree of familiarity may make the patient reluctant to reveal such intimate issues.[10] Transitional care Transitions of patients between health care practitioners may decrease the quality of care in the time it takes to reestablish proper doctor-patient relationships. Generally, the doctor–patient relationship is facilitated by continuity of care in regard to attending personnel. Special strategies of integrated care may be required where multiple health care providers are involved, including horizontal integration (linking similar levels of care, e.g. multiprofessional teams) and vertical integration (linking different levels of care, e.g. primary, secondary and tertiary care).[11] Other people present An example of where other people present in a doctor-patient encounter may influence their communication is one or more parents present at a minor's visit to a doctor. These may provide psychological support for the patient, but in some cases it may compromise the doctor–patient confidentiality and inhibit the patient from disclosing uncomfortable or intimate subjects. When visiting a health provider about sexual issues, having both partners of a couple present is often necessary, and is typically a good thing, but may also prevent the disclosure of certain subjects, and, according to one report, increases the stress level.[10] Bedside manner The medical doctor, with a nurse by his side, is performing a blood test at a hospital in 1980. A good bedside manner is typically one that reassures and comforts the patient while remaining honest about a diagnosis. Vocal tones, body language, openness, presence, honesty, and concealment of attitude may all affect bedside manner. Poor bedside manner leaves the patient feeling unsatisfied, worried, frightened, or alone. Bedside manner becomes difficult when a healthcare professional must explain an unfavorable diagnosis to the patient, while keeping the patient from being alarmed. An example of how body language affects patient perception of care is that the time spent with the patient in the emergency department is perceived as longer if the doctor sits down during the encounter.[12] Physician–patient privilege Physician–patient privilege is a legal concept, related to medical confidentiality, that protects communications between a patient and his or her doctor from being used against the patient in court. It is a part of the rules of evidence in many common law jurisdictions. Almost every jurisdiction that recognizes physician–patient privilege not to testify in court, either by statute or though case law, limits the privilege to knowledge acquired during the course of providing medical services. In some jurisdictions, conversations between a patient and physician may be privileged in both criminal and civil courts. Scope The privilege may cover the situation where a patient confesses to a psychiatrist that he or she committed a particular crime. It may also cover normal inquiries regarding matters such as injuries that may result in civil action. For example, any defendant that the patient may be suing at the time cannot ask the doctor if the patient ever expressed the belief that his or her condition had improved. However, the rule generally does not apply to confidences shared with physicians when they are not serving in the role of medical providers. The rationale behind the rule is that a level of trust must exist between a physician and the patient so that the physician can properly treat the patient. If the patient were fearful of telling the truth to the physician because he or she believed the physician would report such behavior to the authorities, the treatment process could be rendered far more difficult, or the physician could make an incorrect diagnosis. For example, a below-age of consent patient came to a doctor with a sexually transmitted disease. The doctor is usually required to obtain a list of the patient's sexual contacts to inform them that they need treatment. This is an important health concern. However, the patient may be reluctant to divulge the names of his/her older sexual partners, for fear that they will be charged with statutory rape. In some jurisdictions, the doctor cannot be forced to reveal the information revealed by his patient to anyone except to particular organizations, as specified by law, and they too are required to keep that information confidential. If, in the case, the police become aware of such information, they are not allowed to use it in court as proof of the sexual conduct, except as provided by express intent of the legislative body and formalized into law.[1] The law in Ontario, Canada, requires that physicians report patients who, in the opinion of the physician, may be unfit to drive for medical reasons as per Section 203 of the Highway Traffic Act (Ontario).[2] The law in New Hampshire places physician–patient communications on the same basis as attorney–client communications, except in cases where law enforcement officers seek blood or urine test samples and test results taken from a patient who is being investigated for driving while intoxicated.[3] United States In the United States, the Federal Rules of Evidence do not recognize doctor–patient privilege. At the state level, the extent of the privilege varies depending on the law of the applicable jurisdiction. For example, in Texas there is only a limited physician–patient privilege in criminal proceedings, and the privilege is limited in civil cases as wel Patient participation Patient participation, also called shared decision making, is a process in which both the patient and physician contribute to the medical decision-making process. Under this operating system, health care providers explain treatments and alternatives to patients in order to provide the necessary resources for patients to choose the treatment option that most closely aligns with their unique cultural and personal beliefs.[1] In contrast, the current dominant form of medicine, the biomedical care system, places physicians in a position of authority with patients playing a passive role in care.[2] Under this paradigm, known as medical paternalism, physicians instruct patients about what to do, and the patients often follow the physicians' advice.[3] Relatively recently, however, a general shift has occurred in which patients are more involved in medical decision-making than before.[4] A recent review of 115 patient participation studies, for example, found that the majority of respondents preferred to participate in medical-decision making in only 50% of studies prior to 2000, while 71% of studies after 2000 found a majority of respondents who wanted to participate.[5] Variations of each method, including medical paternalism and patient participation, may be preferred by different patients. Many health agencies, including the American Cancer Society[6] and the American College of Physicians,[7] recommend a shared decision model in their medical practices. Patient Autonomy and Informed Consent In recognition of the fact that many factors influence medical decisions, the basic premise of patient participation emphasizes patient autonomy. The model recognizes that patients have personal values that influence the interpretation of risks and benefits differently from a physician. Frequently, there is more than one option with no clear choice of which option is best; this occurs when the decision at hand is about a preference-sensitive condition.[8] In certain situations, for example, the physician's point of view may differ from the decision that aligns most with the patient's values, judgments, and opinions. For this reason, informed consent is at the core of shared decision making.[9] That is, without fully understanding the advantages and disadvantages of all treatment options, patients cannot engage in making decisions based on their personal values and beliefs. The Ecological Model The ecological model of patient participation, proposed by researcher and professor Donald J. Cegala and based on previous research by Richard Street,[10] includes four main components of patient participation.[11] The first of these is termed information seeking. Assessment for this component includes the number of health-related questions the patient asks, along with the number of times the patient asks for the physician to verify information. Examples of information verifying may include asking a physician to repeat information, or summarizing what the physician said in order to ensure that the patient understood the information. The second facet of patient participation, as proposed by this model, is assertive utterances, which may include making recommendations to physicians, expressing an opinion or preference, or expressing disagreement. The third component of the model is information provision of symptoms and medical history with or without prompting from the physician. The final component of patient participation is expressions of concern, including affective responses such as anxiety, worry, or negative feelings. The extent of participation can be determined based on how often a patient displays these four overarching behaviors. Factors that Predict Participation There are certain patient characteristics that influence the extent of involvement.[12] Research shows that female patients who are younger, more educated, and who have a less severe illness than other patients are more likely to participate in medical decisions.[12] That is, an increase in age leads to a decrease in desire to participate, while higher levels of education increase participation levels. However, other research has offered conflicting evidence for the effect of age on level of participation. One study found that age did not inversely relate to participation levels.[13] In addition, numeracy levels may play an important role in patient participation. Recent research has shown that, in general, low-numeracy individuals in both Germany and the United States prefer to play a more passive role than their high-numeracy counterparts.[13] That is, individuals who are not as fluent with numbers and statistics tended to let their physicians make medical decisions without much input from the patients. In general, however, Americans play a more active role in the physician-patient relationship, by performing activities like asking follow-up questions and researching treatment options, than do Germans.[13] Furthermore, research shows that race plays an important role in whether a patient participates. Though African American patients report that they participate less in shared decision-making than whites,[14] studies have shown that African American patients desire to participate just as much as their white counterparts and are more likely to report initiating conversation about their health care with their physicians.[15] Interestingly, individuals who place a higher value on their health are more likely to play a passive role when it comes to medical decision-making than those who placed a lower value on health.[12] Researchers Arora and McHorney posit that this finding may be the result of apprehension when it comes to health-related concerns among those who place a high value on health, leading to a tendency to let an expert, rather than themselves, make important medical decisions. The Role of Physicians Physicians, of course, play an important role in the patient participation model. Researchers have developed specific measures to evaluate the effectiveness of a physician-patient relationship. One such measure explores the following three components of patient-centered behavior: physician's general ability to conceptualize both illness and disease in relation to a patient's life; physicians exploring the full context of illness in the patient's life setting (e.g., work, social supports, family) and personal development; physicians' ability to reach common ground with the participants in which the treatment goals and management strategies, nature of the problems and priorities, and roles of both the physician and patient are addressed.[16] Previous research has demonstrated that increased patient-centered behavior by physicians leads to greater compliance of patients' at-home medical care, such as taking pills.[17] It is important to note that, generally, physicians engage in more patient-centered communication when speaking with high participation patients rather than with low participation patients.[11] However, when a patient sees a physician of the same race, the patient perceives that physician as involving the patient more so than a physician of a different race.[14] Patient empowerment Patient empowerment is the granting of patients to take an active role in the decisions made about his or her own healthcare. Patient empowerment requires a patient to take responsibility for aspects of care such as respectful communications with one's doctors and other providers, patient safety, evidence gathering, smart consumerism (making care cost decisions in the United States), shared decision-making and more.[18] To ease patients’ empowerment, different countries have made laws and run multiple campaigns to raise awareness of these matters. For example, the French Act of 2 March 2002 aims for a ‘‘health democracy’’ in which patients’ rights and responsibilities are revisited, and which gives patients an opportunity to take control of their health. Similar enactments have been passed in countries such as Croatia, Hungary and the Catalan region. The same year, the UK passed The Penalty Charge for Patients to remind them of their responsibility in healthcare. In 2009, British and Australian campaigns were launched to highlight the costs of unhealthy lifestyles and the need for a culture of responsibility. The European Union took this issue seriously and since 2005, has regularly reviewed the question of patients’ rights through various policies with the cooperation of the World Health Organisation. Various Medical Associations have also followed the path of patients’ empowerment through different Bill of Rights or Declarations Consequences Benefits A recent study found that individuals who participate in shared decision-making are more likely to feel secure and may feel a stronger sense of commitment to recover.[20] Also, research has shown that patient participation leads to higher judgments of the quality of care.[21] Furthermore, patient participation leads to greater self-efficacy in patients, which in turn, leads to better health outcomes.[22] When a patient participates more in the decision-making process, the frequency of self-management behaviors increases, as well.[23] Self-management behaviors fall into three broad categories: health behaviors (e.g., exercise); consumeristic behaviors (e.g., reading the risks about a new treatment); and disease-specific management strategies.[24] In a similar vein, a recent study found that among patients with diabetes, the more an individual remembers information given by a physician, the more the patient participated in self-care behaviors at home.[25] Previous research has demonstrated that providing patients with personal coronary risk information may assist patients in improving cholesterol levels.[26] These findings are most likely attributed to an improvement in self-management techniques in response to the personalized feedback from physicians. Additionally, the findings of another study indicate that the use of a cardiovascular risk calculator led to increased patient participation and satisfaction with the treatment decision process and outcome, and reduced decisional regret.[27] Disadvantages Some patients do not find the patient participation model to be the best approach to care. A qualitative study found that barriers to patient participation may include: a patient's desire to avoid participation due to lack of perceived control over the situation, a medical professional's inability to make an emotional connection with the patient, an interaction with an overconfident and overly assertive medical professional, and general structural deficits in care that may undermine opportunities for a patient to exert control over the situation.[28] Furthermore, dispositional factors may play an important role in the extent to which a patient feels comfortable with a participating in medical decisions. Individuals who exhibit high trait anxiety, for example, prefer not to participate in medical decision-making.[29] For those who do participate in decision-making, there are potential disadvantages. As patients take part in the decision process, physicians may communicate uncertain or unknown evidence about the risks and benefits of a decision.[30] The communication of scientific uncertainty may lead to decision dissatisfaction.[30] Critics of the patient participation model assert that physicians who choose not to question and challenge the assumptions of patients do a medical disservice to patients, who are overall less knowledgeable and skilled than the physician.[31] Physicians who encourage patient participation can help the patient make a decision that is aligned with the patients' values and preferences. Decision Aids Patient participation increasingly relies on the use of decision aids in assisting the patients in choosing the best treatment option. Patient decision aids, which may include leaflets, video or audio tapes, or interactive media, supplement the patient-physician relationship and assist patients in making medical decisions that most closely aligns with their values and preferences.[32] Recently, interactive software or internet websites have helped bridge the divide between physician and patients.[33][34][35] Recent research has shown that the use of decision aids may increase patients' trust in physicians, thereby facilitating the shared decision-making process.[36] The International Patient Decision Aid Standards (IPDAS) Collaboration, a group of researchers led by professors Annette O'Connor in Canada and Glyn Elwyn in England, has published a set of standards, representing the efforts of more than 100 participants from fourteen countries around the world, that will help determine the quality of patient decision aids.[37] The report determined that there are certain components of an aid, such as providing information about options, using patient stories, and disclosing conflicts of interest, that will assist patients and health practitioners to assess the content, development process and effectiveness of decision aids. A health professional is an individual who provides preventive, curative, promotional or rehabilitative health care services in a systematic way to people, families or communities. A health professional may operate within medicine, surgery, midwifery, dentistry, nursing, pharmacy, psychology or allied health professions. A health professional may also be a public/community health expertee working for the common good of the society. Practitioners and professionals Health practitioners and professionals • Athletic trainer • Audiologist • Chiropractor • Clinical nurse specialist • Clinical officer • Community health worker • Dentist • Dietitian and nutritionist • Emergency medical technician • Feldsher • Health administrator • Medical assistant • Medical technologist • Midwife • Nurse anesthetist • Nurse • Paramedic • Pharmacist • Pharmaconomist • Pharmacy technician • Phlebotomist • Physician • Physician assistant • Podiatrist • Psychologist • Psychotherapist • Physical therapist (physiotherapist) • Radiographer • Respiratory therapist • Speech-language pathologist • Surgeon • Surgeon's assistant • Surgical technologist Related health care This box: • view • talk • edit Health care practitioners include physicians, dentists, pharmacists, physician assistants, nurses, advanced practice registered nurses, surgeons, surgeon's assistant, athletic trainers, surgical technologist, midwives, dietitians, therapists, psychologists, chiropractors, clinical officers, social workers, phlebotomists, occupational therapist, physical therapists, radiographer, respiratory therapists, audiologists, speech pathologists, optometrists, emergency medical technicians, paramedics, medical laboratory scientists, medical prosthetic technicians and a wide variety of other human resources trained to provide some type of health care service. They often work in hospitals, health care centres, and other service delivery points, but also in academic training, research, and administration. Some provide care and treatment services for patients in private homes. Many countries have a large number of community health workers who work outside formal health care institutions. Managers of health care services, health information technicians, and other assistive personnel and support workers are also considered a vital part of health care teams.[1] Health care practitioners are commonly grouped into a number of professions: • Medical (including generalist practitioners and specialists) • Nursing (including various professional titles) • Midwifery (including Obstetrics) • Dentistry (including dental team members) • Allied health professions • Health Scientists Within each field of expertise, practitioners are often classified according to skill level and skill specialization. “Health professionals” are highly skilled workers, in professions that usually require extensive knowledge including university-level study leading to the award of a first degree or higher qualification.[2] This category includes physicians, physician assistants, dentists, midwives, registered nurses, pharmacists, physiotherapists, optometrists, and others. Allied health professionals, also referred to as "health associate professionals" in the International Standard Classification of Occupations, support implementation of health care, treatment and referral plans usually established by medical, nursing, and other health professionals, and usually require formal qualifications to practice their profession. In addition, unlicensed assistive personnel assist with providing health care services as permitted. Another way to categorize health care practitioners is according to the sub-field in which they practice, such as mental health care, pregnancy and childbirth care, surgical care, rehabilitation care, or public health. Mental health practitioners Main article: Mental health professional A mental health practitioner is a health worker who offers services for the purpose of improving the mental health of individuals or treating mental illness. These include psy Mental health practitioners Main article: Mental health professional A mental health practitioner is a health worker who offers services for the purpose of improving the mental health of individuals or treating mental illness. These include psychiatrists, clinical psychologists, clinical social workers, psychiatric-mental health nurse practitioners, marriage and family therapists, as well as other health professionals and allied health professions. These health care providers often deal with the same illnesses, disorders, conditions, and issues; however their scope of practice often differs. The most significant difference across categories of mental health practitioners is education and training.[3] Maternal and newborn health practitioners Main articles: Obstetrics and Birth attendant A maternal and newborn health practitioner is a health worker who deals with the care of women and their children before, during and after pregnancy and childbirth. Such health practitioners include obstetricians, midwives, obstetrical nurses and many others. One of the main differences between these professions is in the training and authority to provide surgical services and other life-saving interventions.[4] In some developing countries, traditional birth attendants, or traditional midwives, are the primary source of pregnancy and childbirth care for many women and families, although they are not certified or licensed. Geriatric care practitioners Main articles: Geriatrics and Geriatric care management A geriatric care practitioner plans and coordinates the care of the elderly and/or disabled to promote their health, improve their quality of life, and maintain their independence for as long as possible. They include geriatricians, adult-gerontology nurse practitioners, clinical nurse specialists, geriatric clinical pharmacists, geriatric nurses, geriatric care managers, geriatric aides, and others who focus on the health and psychological care needs of older adults. Surgical practitioners A surgical practitioner is a healthcare professional who specializes in the planning and delivery of a patient's perioperative care, including during the anaesthetic, surgical and recovery stages. They may include general and specialist surgeons, surgeon's assistant, assistant surgeon, surgical assistant, anesthesiologists, anesthesiologist assistant, nurse anesthetists, surgical nurses, clinical officers, operating department practitioners, anaesthetic technicians, perioperative nursing, surgical technologists, and others. Rehabilitation care practitioners A rehabilitation care practitioner is a health worker who provides care and treatment which aims to enhance and restore functional ability and quality of life to those with physical impairments or disabilities. These include physiatrists, rehabilitation nurses, clinical nurse specialists, nurse practitioners, physiotherapists, orthotists, prosthetists, occupational therapists, recreational therapists, audiologists, speech and language pathologists, respiratory therapists, rehabilitation counsellors, physical rehabilitation therapists, physiotherapy technicians, orthotic technicians, prosthetic technicians, personal care assistants, and others.[5] Eye care practitioners Main articles: Ophthalmology and Optometry Care and treatment for the eye and the adnexa may be delivered by ophthalmologists specializing in surgical/medical care, or optometrists specializing in refractive management and medical/therapeutic care. Oral health practitioners Main article: Dentistry A dental care practitioner is a health worker who provides care and treatment to promote and restore oral health. These include dentists and dental surgeons, dental assistants, dental auxiliaries, dental hygienists, dental nurses, dental technicians, dental therapists, and related professionals. Foot care practitioners Care and treatment for the foot, ankle, and lower leg may be delivered by podiatrists, pedorthists, foot health practitioners, podiatric medical assistants, podiatric nurse and others. Public health practitioners A public health practitioner focuses on improving health among individuals, families and communities through the prevention and treatment of diseases and injuries, surveillance of cases, and promotion of healthy behaviors. This category includes community and preventive medicine specialists, public health nurses, clinical nurse specialists, dietitians, environmental health officers, paramedics, epidemiologists, health inspectors, and others. Alternative medicine practitioners In many societies, practitioners of alternative medicine have contact with a significant number of people, either as integrated within or remaining outside the formal health care system. These include practitioners in acupuncture, Ayurveda, herbalism, homeopathy, naturopathy, Siddha medicine, traditional Chinese medicine, traditional Korean medicine, and Unani. In some countries such as Canada, chiropractors and osteopaths (not to be confused with doctors of osteopathic medicine in the United States) are considered alternative medicine practitioners. Practice conditions and regulations Shortages of health professionals See also: Health workforce, Doctor shortage and Nursing shortage Many jurisdictions report shortfalls in the number of trained health human resources to meet population health needs and/or service delivery targets, especially in medically underserved areas. For example, in the United States, the 2010 federal budget invested $330 million to increase the number of doctors, nurses, and dentists practicing in areas of the country experiencing shortages of health professionals. The Budget expands loan repayment programs for physicians, nurses, and dentists who agree to practice in medically underserved areas. This funding will enhance the capacity of nursing schools to increase the number of nurses. It will also allow states to increase access to oral health care through dental workforce development grants. The Budget’s new resources will sustain the expansion of the health care workforce funded in the Recovery Act.[6] There were 15.7 million health care professionals in the US as of 2011.[7] In Canada, the 2011 federal budget announced a Canada Student Loan forgiveness programme to encourage and support new family physicians, nurse practitioners and nurses to practise in underserved rural or remote communities of the country, including communities that provide health services to First Nations and Inuit populations.[8] In Uganda, the Ministry of Health reports that as many as 50% of staffing positions for health workers in rural and underserved areas remain vacant. As of early 2011, the Ministry was conducting research and costing analyses to determine the most appropriate attraction and retention packages for medical officers, nursing officers, pharmacists, and laboratory technicians in the country’s rural areas.[9] At the international level, the World Health Organization estimates a shortage of almost 4.3 million doctors, midwives, nurses, and support workers worldwide to meet target coverage levels of essential primary health care interventions.[10] The shortage is reported most severe in 57 of the poorest countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. Occupational hazards A healthcare professional wears an air sampling device to investigate exposure to airborne influenza Occupational stress and occupational burnout are highly prevalent among health professionals.[11] Some studies suggest that workplace stress is pervasive in the health care industry because of inadequate staffing levels, long work hours, exposure to infectious diseases and hazardous substances leading to illness or death, and in some countries threat of malpractice litigation. Other stressors include the emotional labor of caring for ill people and high patient loads. The consequences of this stress can include substance abuse, suicide, major depressive disorder, and anxiety, all of which occur at higher rates in health professionals than the general working population. Elevated levels of stress are also linked to high rates of burnout, absenteeism and diagnostic errors, and to reduced rates of patient satisfaction.[11][12] In Canada, a national report (Canada's Health Care Providers) also indicated higher rates of absenteeism due to illness or disability among health care workers compared to the rest of the working population, although those working in health care reported similar levels of good health and fewer reports of being injured at work.[13] There is some evidence that cognitive-behavioral therapy, relaxation training and therapy (including meditation and massage), and modifying schedules can reduce stress and burnout among multiple sectors of health-care providers. Research is ongoing in this area, especially with regards to physicians, whose occupational stress and burnout is less researched compared to other health professions.[11] Exposure to respiratory infectious diseases like tuberculosis (caused by Mycobacterium tuberculosis) and influenza can be reduced with the use of respirators; this exposure is a significant occupational hazard for health care professionals.[14] Exposure to dangerous chemicals, including chemotherapy drugs, is another potential occupational risk. These drugs can cause cancer and other health conditions.[15] Healthcare workers are also at risk for diseases that are contracted through extended contact with a patient, including scabies.[16] Female health care workers may face specific types of workplace-related health conditions and stress. According to the World Health Organization, women predominate in the formal health workforce in many countries, and are prone to musculoskeletal injury (caused by physically demanding job tasks such as lifting and moving patients) and burnout. Female health workers are exposed to hazardous drugs and chemicals in the workplace which may cause adverse reproductive outcomes such as spontaneous abortion and congenital malformations. In some contexts, female health workers are also subject to gender-based violence including from coworkers and patients.[17][18] Health professionals are also at risk for contracting blood-borne diseases like hepatitis B, hepatitis C, and HIV/AIDS through needlestick injuries or through contact with bodily fluids.[19][20] This risk can be mitigated with vaccination when there is a vaccine available, like with hepatitis B.[20] Healthcare workers are at higher risk of on-the-job injury due to violence. Drunk, confused, and hostile patients and visitors are a continual threat to providers attempting to treat patients. Frequently, assault and violence in a healthcare setting goes unreported and is wrongly assumed to be part of the job.[21] Violent incidents typically occur during one-on-one care; being alone with patients increases healthcare workers' risk of assault.[22] In the United States, healthcare workers suffer 2/3 of nonfatal workplace violence incidents.[21] Psychiatric units represent the highest proportion of violent incidents, at 40%; they are followed by geriatric units (20%) and the emergency department (10%). Workplace violence can also cause psychological trauma.[22] The Occupational Health Safety Network is a system developed by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) to address health and safety risks among health care providers. Hospitals and other healthcare facilities can upload the occupational injury data they already collect to the secure database for analysis and benchmarking with other de-identified facilities from throughout the U.S. NIOSH works with OHSN participants in identifying and implementing timely and targeted interventions. OHSN modules currently focus on three high risk and preventable events that can lead to injuries or musculoskeletal disorders among healthcare providers: musculoskeletal injuries from patient handling activities; slips, trips, and falls; and workplace violence.[21] Slips, trips, and falls are the second-most common cause of worker's compensation claims in the US, and cause 21% of work absences due to injury. These injuries most commonly result in strains and sprains; women , those older than 45, and those who have been working less than a year in a healthcare setting are at the highest risk.[7] Health care professionals are also likely to experience sleep deprivation due to their jobs. Many health care professionals are on a shift work schedule, and therefore experience misalignment of their work schedule and their circadian rhythm. In 2007, 32% of healthcare workers were found to get fewer than 6 hours of sleep a night. Sleep deprivation also predisposes healthcare professionals to make mistakes that may potentially endanger a patient.[23] Regulation and registration of professionals Main article: Health professional requisites Practicing without a license that is valid and current is typically illegal. In most jurisdictions, the provision of health care services is regulated by the government. Individuals found to be providing medical, nursing or other professional services without the appropriate certification or license may face sanctions and criminal charges leading to a prison term. The number of professions subject to regulation, requisites for individuals to receive professional licensure, and nature of sanctions that can be imposed for failure to comply vary across jurisdictions. In the United States, under Michigan state laws, an individual is guilty of felony if identified as practicing in the health profession without a valid personal license or registration. Health professionals can also be imprisoned if found guilty of practicing beyond the limits allowed by their licences and registration. The state laws define the scope of practice for medicine, nursing, and a number of allied health professions.[24][unreliable source?] In Florida, practicing medicine without the appropriate license is a crime classified as a third degree felony,[25] which may give imprisonment up to five years. Practicing a health care profession without a license which results in serious bodily injury classifies as a second degree felony,[25] providing up to 15 years' imprisonment. In the United Kingdom, healthcare professionals are regulated by the state; the UK Health and Care Professions Council (HCPC) protects the 'title' of each profession it regulates. For example, it is illegal for someone to call himself an Occupational Therapist or Radiographer if they are not on the register held by the HCPC. Errors: Encountered " "Doctor "" at line 1, column 1. Was expecting: Job ID: vast-dock-106312:job_rWV-DlcHKRFBLsWr-h7LCm9Rq9w Start Time: Sep 11, 2015, 11:06:19 AM End Time: Sep 11, 2015, 11:06:19 AM Edit Query Run Query Save Query Save View Sep 10 Edit Query Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing OR digitization[1] IS the representation of an object, image, sound, document OR a signal (usually an analog signal) BY a discrete set of its points OR samples. The result IS called digital representation OR, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, AND digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal IN digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image OR capture the "corners" WHERE the lines END OR change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] AS it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are co... Query Text: Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing OR digitization[1] IS the representation of an object, image, sound, document OR a signal (usually an analog signal) BY a discrete set of its points OR samples. The result IS called digital representation OR, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, AND digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal IN digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image OR capture the "corners" WHERE the lines END OR change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] AS it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are converted into a single binary code. Digital information exists as one of two digits, either 0 or 1. These are known as bits (a contraction of binary digits) and the sequences of 0s and 1s that constitute information are called bytes.[3] Analog signals are continuously variable, both in the number of possible values of the signal at a given time, as well as in the number of points in the signal in a given period of time. However, digital signals are discrete in both of those respects – generally a finite sequence of integers – therefore a digitization can, in practical terms, only ever be an approximation of the signal it represents. Digitization occurs in two parts: Discretization The reading of an analog signal A, and, at regular time intervals (frequency), sampling the value of the signal at the point. Each such reading is called a sample and may be considered to have infinite precision at this stage; Quantization Samples are rounded to a fixed set of numbers (such as integers), a process known as quantization. In general, these can occur at the same time, though they are conceptually distinct. A series of digital integers can be transformed into an analog output that approximates the original analog signal. Such a transformation is called a DA conversion. The sampling rate and the number of bits used to represent the integers combine to determine how close such an approximation to the analog signal a digitization will be. ExampleThe term is often used to describe the scanning of analog sources (such as printed photos or taped videos) into computers for editing, but it also can refer to audio (where sampling rate is often measured in kilohertz) and texture map transformations. In this last case, as in normal photos, sampling rate refers to the resolution of the image, often measured in pixels per inch. Digitizing is the primary way of storing images in a form suitable for transmission and computer processing, whether scanned from two-dimensional analog originals or captured using an image sensor-equipped device such as a digital camera, tomographical instrument such as a CAT scanner, or acquiring precise dimensions from a real-world object, such as a car, using a 3D scanning device.[4] Digitizing is central to making a digital representations of geographical features, using raster or vector images, in a geographic information system, i.e., the creation of electronic maps, either from various geographical and satellite imaging (raster) or by digitizing traditional paper maps or graphs[5][6] (vector). "Digitization" is also used to describe the process of populating databases with files or data. While this usage is technically inaccurate, it originates with the previously proper use of the term to describe that part of the process involving digitization of analog sources, such as printed pictures and brochures, before uploading to target databases. Digitizing may also used in the field of apparel, where an image may be recreated with the help of embroidery digitizing software tools and saved as embroidery machine code. This machine code is fed into an embroidery machine and applied to the fabric. The most supported format is DST file. Apparel companies also digitize clothing patterns[ Analog signals to digital Analog signals are continuous electrical signals; digital signals are non-continuous. Analog signal can be converted to digital signal by ADC.[7] Nearly all recorded music has been digitized. About 12 percent of the 500,000+ movies listed on the Internet Movie Database are digitized on DVD.[citation needed] Handling of analog signal becomes easy [according to whom?] when it is digitized because the signal is digitized before modulation and transmission. The conversion process of analog to digital consists of two processes: sampling and quantizing. Digitization of personal multimedia such as home movies, slides, and photographs is a popular method of preserving and sharing older repositories. Slides and photographs may be scanned using an image scanner, but videos are more difficult.[8] Analog texts to digital About 5 percent of texts have been digitized as of 2006.[9] Older print books are being scanned and optical character recognition technologies applied by academic and public libraries, foundations, and private companies like Google.[10] Unpublished text documents on paper which have some enduring historical or research value are being digitized by libraries and archives, though frequently at a much slower rate than for books (see digital libraries). In many cases, archives have replaced microfilming with digitization as a means of preserving and providing access to unique documents. Implications This shift to digitization in the contemporary media world has created implications for traditional mass media products. However, these "limitations are still very unclear" (McQuail, 2000:28). The more technology advances, the more converged the realm of mass media will become with less need for traditional communication technologies. For example, the Internet has transformed many communication norms, creating more efficiency for not only individuals, but also for businesses. However, McQuail suggests traditional media have also benefited greatly from new media, allowing more effective and efficient resources available (2000:28). Collaborative projects There are many collaborative digitization projects throughout the United States. Two of the earliest projects were the Collaborative Digitization Project in Colorado and NC ECHO - North Carolina Exploring Cultural Heritage Online,[11] based at the State Library of North Carolina. These projects establish and publish best practices for digitization and work with regional partners to digitize cultural heritage materials. Additional criteria for best practice have more recently been established in the UK, Australia and the European Union.[12] Wisconsin Heritage Online[13] is a collaborative digitization project modeled after the Colorado Collaborative Digitization Project. Wisconsin uses a wiki[14] to build and distribute collaborative documentation. Georgia's collaborative digitization program, the Digital Library of Georgia,[15] presents a seamless virtual library on the state's history and life, including more than a hundred digital collections from 60 institutions and 100 agencies of government. The Digital Library of Georgia is a GALILEO[16] initiative based at the University of Georgia Libraries. In South-Asia Nanakshahi trust is digitizing manuscripts of Gurmukhīscript. Library preservation Main article: Digital preservation Digitization at the British Library of a Dunhuang manuscript for the International Dunhuang Project Digital preservation in its most basic form is a series of activities maintaining access to digital materials over time.[17] Digitization in this sense is a means of creating digital surrogates of analog materials such as books, newspapers, microfilm and videotapes. Digitization can provide a means of preserving the content of the materials by creating an accessible facsimile of the object in order to put less strain on already fragile originals. For sounds, digitization of legacy analogue recordings is essential insurance against technological obsolescence.[18] The prevalent Brittle Books[19] issue facing libraries across the world is being addressed with a digital solution for long term book preservation.[20] For centuries, books were printed on wood-pulp paper, which turns acidic as it decays. Deterioration may advance to a point where a book is completely unusable. In theory, if these widely circulated titles are not treated with de-acidification processes, the materials upon those acid pages will be lost forever. As digital technology evolves, it is increasingly preferred as a method of preserving these materials, mainly because it can provide easier access points and significantly reduce the need for physical storage space. Cambridge University Library is working on the Cambridge Digital Library, which will initially contain digitised versions of many of its most important works relating to science and religion. These include examples such as Isaac Newton's personally annotated first edition of his Philosophiæ Naturalis Principia Mathematica [21] as well as college notebooks[22][23] and other papers,[24] and some Islamic manuscripts such as a Quran[25] from Tipoo Sahib's library. Google, Inc. has taken steps towards attempting to digitize every title with "Google Book Search".[26][27] While some academic libraries have been contracted by the service, issues of copyright law violations threaten to derail the project.[28] However, it does provide - at the very least - an online consortium for libraries to exchange information and for researchers to search for titles as well as review the materials. Digitization versus digital preservation There is a common misconception that to digitize something is the same as digital preservation. To digitize something is to convert something from an analog into a digital format.[29] An example would be scanning a photograph and having a digital copy on a computer. This is essentially the first step in digital preservation. To digitally preserve something is to maintain it over a long period of time.[30] Digital preservation is more complicated because technology changes so quickly that a format that was used to save something years ago may become obsolete, like a 5 1/4” floppy drive. Computers are no longer made with them, and obtaining the hardware to convert a file from an obsolete format to a newer one can be expensive. As a result, the upgrading process must take place every 2 to 5 years,[31] or as newer technology becomes affordable, but before older technology becomes unobtainable. The Library of Congress provides numerous resources and tips for individuals looking to practice digitization and digital preservation for their personal collections.[32] Digital preservation can also apply to born-digital material. An example of something that is born-digital is a Microsoft Word document saved as a .docx file or a post to a social media site. In contrast, digitization only applies exclusively to analog materials. Born-digital materials present a unique challenge to digital preservation not only due to technological obsolescence but also because of the inherently unstable nature of digital storage and maintenance. Most websites last between 2.5 and 5 years, depending on the purpose for which they were designed.[33] Many libraries, archives, and museums, as well as other institutions struggle with catching up and staying current in regards to both digitization and digital preservation. Digitization is a time-consuming process, particularly depending on the condition of the holdings prior to being digitized. Some materials are so fragile that undergoing the process of digitization could damage them irreparably; light from a scanner can damage old photographs and documents. Despite potential damage, one reason for digitizing some materials is because they are so heavily used that digitization will help to preserve the original copy long past what its life would have been as a physical holding. Digitization can also be quite expensive. Institutions want the best image quality in digital copies so that when they are converted from one format to another over time only a high-quality copy is maintained. Smaller institutions may not be able to afford such equipment. Manpower at many facilities also limits how much material can be digitized. Archivists and librarians must have an idea of what their patrons wish to see most and try to prioritize and meet those needs digitally. Manpower and funding also limit digital preservation in many institutions. The cost of upgrading hardware or software every few years can be prohibitively expensive. Training is another issue, since many librarians and archivists do not have a computer science background. Intellectual control of digital holdings presents yet another issue which sometimes occurs when the physical holdings have not yet been entirely processed. One suggested timeframe for completely transcribing digital holdings was every ten to twenty years, making the process an ongoing and time-consuming one. Lean philosophy The broad use of internet and the increasing popularity of lean philosophy has also increased the use and meaning of "digitizing" to describe improvements in the efficiency of organizational processes. Lean philosophy refers to the approach which considers any use of time and resources, which does not lead directly to creating a product, as waste and therefore a target for elimination. This will often involve some kind of Lean process in order to simplify process activities, with the aim of implementing new "lean AND mean" processes by digitizing data and activities. Digitization can help to eliminate time waste by introducing wider access to data, or by implementation of enterprise resource planning systems. Fiction Works of science-fiction often include the term digitize as the act of transforming people into digital signals and sending them into a computer. When that happens, the people disappear from the real world and appear in a computer world (as featured in the cult film Tron, the animated series Code: Lyoko, or the late 1980s live-action series Captain Power and the Soldiers of the Future). In the video game Beyond Good & Evil, the protagonist's holographic friend digitizes the player's inventory items. 2008 Mumbai attacks "26/11" redirects here. For the date, see November 26. 2008 Mumbai attacks Locations of the 2008 Mumbai attacks Location Mumbai, India • Leopold Café • Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus • Taj Mahal Palace Hotel • Oberoi Trident • Cama Hospital • Nariman House Coordinates 18.922125°N 72.832564°E Date 26 November 2008-29 November 2008 23:00 (26/11)-08:00 (29/11) (IST, UTC+05:30) Attack type Bombings, shootings, hostage crisis,[1] siege Deaths Approximately 164 (in addition to 10 attackers, including 1 attacker captured and later executed)[2] Non-fatal injuries 600+[2] Victims See casualty list for complete list Assailants Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi[3][4] Lashkar-e-Taiba[5][6][7] Number of participants 24–26 Defenders • National Security Guards[8][9] • MARCOS • Mumbai Police • Indian ATS • Mumbai Fire Brigade In November 2008, 10 Pakistani members of Lashkar-e-Taiba, an Islamic militant organisation, carried out a series of 12 coordinated shooting and bombing attacks lasting four days across Mumbai.[10][11][12] Ajmal Kasab, the only attacker who was captured alive, later confessed upon interrogation that the attacks were conducted with the support of the Pakistan government's intelligence agency, the ISI.[13][14] The attacks, which drew widespread global condemnation, began on Wednesday, 26 November and lasted until Saturday, 29 November 2008, killing 164 people and wounding at least 308.[2][15] Eight of the attacks occurred in South Mumbai: at Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, the Oberoi Trident,[16] the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower,[16] Leopold Cafe, Cama Hospital,[16] the Nariman House Jewish community centre,[17] the Metro Cinema,[18] and in a lane behind the Times of India building and St. Xavier's College.[16] There was also an explosion at Mazagaon, in Mumbai's port area, and in a taxi at Vile Parle.[19] By the early morning of 28 November, all sites except for the Taj hotel had been secured by Mumbai Police and security forces. On 29 November, India's National Security Guards (NSG) conducted 'Operation Black Tornado' to flush out the remaining attackers; it resulted in the deaths of the last remaining attackers at the Taj hotel and ending all fighting in the attacks.[20] Ajmal Kasab[21] disclosed that the attackers were members of Lashkar-e-Taiba,[22] among others.[23] The Government of India said that the attackers came from Pakistan, and their controllers were in Pakistan.[24] On 7 January 2009,[25] On 9 April, 2015; the foremost mastermind of the attacks Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi[26][27] was granted bail against surety bonds Background One of the bomb-damaged coaches at the Mahim station in Mumbai during the 11 July 2006 train bombings There have been many bombings in Mumbai since the 13 coordinated bomb explosions that killed 257 people and injured 700 on 12 March 1993.[30] The 1993 attacks are believed to have been in retaliation for the Babri Mosque demolition.[31] On 6 December 2002, a blast in a BEST bus near Ghatkopar station killed two people and injured 28.[32] The bombing occurred on the 10th anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya.[33] A bicycle bomb exploded near the Vile Parle station in Mumbai, killing one person and injuring 25 on 27 January 2003, a day before the visit of the Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee to the city.[34] On 13 March 2003, a day after the 10th anniversary of the 1993 Bombay bombings, a bomb exploded in a train compartment near the Mulund station, killing 10 people and injuring 70.[35] On 28 July 2003, a blast in a BEST bus in Ghatkopar killed 4 people and injured 32.[36] On 25 August 2003, two bombs exploded in South Mumbai, one near the Gateway of India and the other at Zaveri Bazaar in Kalbadevi. At least 44 people were killed and 150 injured.[37] On 11 July 2006, seven bombs exploded within 11 minutes on the Suburban Railway in Mumbai,[38] killing 209 people, including 22 foreigners[39][40][41] and more than 700 injured.[42][43] According to the Mumbai Police, the bombings were carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba and Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI).[44][45] Training A group of men, sometimes stated as 24, at other times 26[46] received training in marine warfare at a remote camp in mountainous Muzaffarabad, Azad Kashmir. Part of the training was reported to have taken place on the Mangla Dam reservoir.[47] The recruits went through the following stages of training, according to Indian and U.S. media reports: • Psychological: Indoctrination to Islamist ideas, including imagery of atrocities suffered by Muslims in India,[48] Chechnya, Palestine and across the globe. • Basic Combat: Lashkar's basic combat training and methodology course, the Daura Aam. • Advanced Training: Selected to undergo advanced combat training at a camp near Mansehra, a course the organisation calls the Daura Khaas.[48] According to an unnamed source at the US Defense Department this includes advanced weapons and explosives training supervised by retired personnel of the Pakistan Army,[49] along with survival training and further indoctrination. • Commando Training: Finally, an even smaller group selected for specialised commando tactics training and marine navigation training given to the Fedayeen unit selected in order to target Mumbai.[citation needed] From the students, 10 were handpicked for the Mumbai mission.[50] They also received training in swimming and sailing, besides the use of high-end weapons and explosives under the supervision of LeT commanders. According to a media report citing an unnamed former Defence Department Official of the US, the intelligence agencies of the US had determined that former officers from Pakistan's Army and Inter-Services Intelligence agency assisted actively and continuously in training.[51] They were given blueprints of all the four targets – Taj Mahal Palace & Tower, Oberoi Trident, Nariman House and Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus Attacks Main article: Timeline of the 2008 Mumbai attacks The first events were detailed around 20:00 Indian Standard Time (IST) on 26 November, when 10 men in inflatable speedboats came ashore at two locations in Colaba. They reportedly told local Marathi-speaking fishermen who asked them who they were to "mind their own business" before they split up and headed two different ways. The fishermen's subsequent report to police received little response and local police was helpless.[52] Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus The Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) was attacked by two gunmen, one of whom, Ajmal Kasab, was later caught alive by the police and identified by eyewitnesses. The attacks began around 21:30 when the two men entered the passenger hall and opened fire,[53] using AK-47 rifles.[54] The attackers killed 58 people and injured 104 others,[54] their assault ending at about 22:45.[53] Security forces and emergency services arrived shortly afterwards. Continuous announcements by a brave railway announcer, Vishnu Dattaram Zende, alerted passengers to leave the station and saved scores of lives.[55][56] The two gunmen fled the scene and fired at pedestrians and police officers in the streets, killing eight police officers. The attackers passed a police station. Many of the outgunned police officers were afraid to confront the attackers, and instead switched off the lights and secured the gates. The attackers then headed towards Cama Hospital with an intention to kill patients,[57] but the hospital staff locked all of the patient wards. A team of the Mumbai Anti-Terrorist Squad led by police chief Hemant Karkare searched the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus and then left in pursuit of Kasab and Khan. Kasab and Khan opened fire on the vehicle in a lane next to the hospital and the police returned fire. Karkare, Vijay Salaskar, Ashok Kamte and one of their officers were killed, though the only survivor, Constable Arun Jadhav, was wounded.[58] Kasab and Khan seized the police vehicle but later abandoned it and seized a passenger car instead. They then ran into a police roadblock, which had been set up after Jadhav radioed for help.[59] A gun battle then ensued in which Khan was killed and Kasab was wounded. After a physical struggle, Kasab was arrested.[60] A police officer, Tukaram Omble was also killed when he ran in front of Kasab to shoot him. The Leopold Cafe, a popular restaurant and bar on Colaba Causeway in South Mumbai, was one of the first sites to be attacked.[61] Two attackers opened fire on the cafe on the evening of 26 November, killing at least 10 people, (including some foreigners), and injuring many more.[62] Bomb blasts in taxis There were two explosions in taxis caused by timer bombs. The first one occurred at 22:40 at Vile Parle, killing the driver and a passenger. The second explosion took place at Wadi Bunder between 22:20 and 22:25. Three people, including the driver of the taxi were killed, and about 15 others were injured.[19][63] Taj Mahal Hotel and Oberoi Trident Two hotels, the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower and the Oberoi Trident, were among the four locations targeted. Six explosions were reported at the Taj hotel – one in the lobby, two in the elevators, three in the restaurant – and one at the Oberoi Trident.[64][65] At the Taj Mahal, firefighters rescued 200 hostages from windows using ladders during the first night. CNN initially reported on the morning of 27 November 2008 that the hostage situation at the Taj had been resolved and quoted the police chief of Maharashtra stating that all hostages were freed;[66] however, it was learned later that day that there were still two attackers holding hostages, including foreigners, in the Taj Mahal hotel.[67] The Wasabi restaurant on the first floor of the Taj Hotel was completely gutted. A number of European Parliament Committee on International Trade delegates were staying in the Taj Mahal hotel when it was attacked,[68] but none of them were injured.[69] British Conservative Member of the European Parliament (MEP) Sajjad Karim (who was in the lobby when attackers initially opened fire there) and German Social Democrat MEP Erika Mann were hiding in different parts of the building.[70] Also reported present was Spanish MEP Ignasi Guardans, who was barricaded in a hotel room.[71][72] Another British Conservative MEP, Syed Kamall, reported that he along with several other MEPs left the hotel and went to a nearby restaurant shortly before the attack.[70] Kamall also reported that Polish MEP Jan Masiel was thought to have been sleeping in his hotel room when the attacks started, but eventually left the hotel safely.[73] Kamall and Guardans reported that a Hungarian MEP's assistant was shot.[70][74] Also caught up in the shooting were the President of Madrid, Esperanza Aguirre, while checking in at the Oberoi Trident,[74] and Indian MP N. N. Krishnadas of Kerala and Gulam Noon while having dinner at a restaurant in the Taj hotel.[75][76] Nariman House Main article: Nariman House Front view of the Nariman House a week after the attacks Nariman House, a Chabad Lubavitch Jewish center in Colaba known as the Mumbai Chabad House, was taken over by two attackers and several residents were held hostage.[77] Police evacuated adjacent buildings and exchanged fire with the attackers, wounding one. Local residents were told to stay inside. The attackers threw a grenade into a nearby lane, causing no casualties. NSG commandos arrived from Delhi, and a naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. After a long battle, one NSG commando Havaldar Gajender Singh Bisht and both perpetrators were killed.[78][79] Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg and his wife Rivka Holtzberg, who was six months pregnant, were murdered with four other hostages inside the house by the attackers.[80] According to radio transmissions picked up by Indian intelligence, the attackers "would be told BY their handlers IN Pakistan that the lives of Jews were worth 50 times those of non-Jews." Injuries on some of the bodies indicated that they may have been tortured.[81][82] NSG raid NSG Commandos beginning the assault on Nariman House by fast-roping onto the terrace. During the attacks, both hotels were surrounded by Rapid Action Force personnel and Marine Commandos (MARCOS) and National Security Guards (NSG) commandos.[83][84] When reports emerged that attackers were receiving television broadcasts, feeds to the hotels were blocked.[85] Security forces stormed both hotels, and all nine attackers were killed by the morning of 29 November.[86][87] Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan of the NSG was killed during the rescue of Commando Sunil Yadav, who was hit in the leg by a bullet during the rescue operations at Taj.[88][89] 32 hostages were killed at the Oberoi Trident.[90] NSG commandos then took on the Nariman house, and a Naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. NSG Commando Havaldar Gajender Singh Bisht, who was part of the team that fast-roped onto Nariman House, died after a long battle in which both perpetrators were also killed.[78][79] Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg and his wife Rivka Holtzberg, who was six months pregnant, were murdered with four other hostages inside the house by the attackers.[80] By the morning of 27 November, the NSG had secured the Jewish outreach center at Nariman House as well as the Oberoi Trident hotel. They also incorrectly believed that the Taj Mahal Palace and Towers had been cleared of attackers, and soldiers were leading hostages and holed-up guests to safety, and removing bodies of those killed in the attacks.[91][92][93] However, later news reports indicated that there were still two or three attackers in the Taj, with explosions heard and gunfire exchanged.[93] Fires were also reported at the ground floor of the Taj with plumes of smoke arising from the first floor.[93] The final operation at the Taj Mahal Palace hotel was completed by the NSG commandos at 08:00 on 29 November, killing three attackers and resulting in the conclusion of the attacks.[94] The NSG rescued 250 people from the Oberoi, 300 from the Taj and 60 people (members of 12 different families) from Nariman House.[95] In addition, police seized a boat filled with arms and explosives anchored at Mazgaon dock off Mumbai harbour.[96] Attribution Main articles: Attribution of the 2008 Mumbai attacks and Erroneous reporting on the 2008 Mumbai attacks The Mumbai attacks were planned and directed by Lashkar-e-Taiba militants inside Pakistan, and carried out by 10 young armed men trained and sent to Mumbai and directed from inside Pakistan via mobile phones and VoIP.[23][97][98] In July 2009 Pakistani authorities confirmed that LeT plotted and financed the attacks from LeT camps in Karachi and Thatta.[99] In November 2009, Pakistani authorities charged seven men they had arrested earlier, of planning and executing the assault.[100] Mumbai police originally identified 37 suspects—including two army officers—for their alleged involvement in the plot. All but two of the suspects, many of whom are identified only through aliases, are Pakistani.[101] Two more suspects arrested in the United States in October 2009 for other attacks were also found to have been involved in planning the Mumbai attacks.[102][103] One of these men, Pakistani American David Headley, was found to have made several trips to India before the attacks and gathered video and GPS information on behalf of the plotters. In April 2011, the United States issued arrest warrants for four Pakistani men as suspects in the attack. The men, Sajid Mir, Abu Qahafa, Mazhar Iqbal alias "Major Iqbal", are believed to be members of Lashkar-e-Taiba and helped plan and train the attackers Negotiations with Pakistan Pakistan initially denied that Pakistanis were responsible for the attacks, blaming plotters in Bangladesh and Indian criminals,[105] a claim refuted by India,[106] and saying they needed information from India on other bombings first.[107] Pakistani authorities finally agreed that Ajmal Kasab was a Pakistani on 7 January 2009,[25][108][109] and registered a case against three other Pakistani nationals.[110] The Indian government supplied evidence to Pakistan and other governments, in the form of interrogations, weapons, and call records of conversations during the attacks.[111][112] In addition, Indian government officials said that the attacks were so sophisticated that they must have had official backing from Pakistani "agencies", an accusation denied by Pakistan.[98][108] Under US and UN pressure, Pakistan arrested a few members of Jamaat ud-Dawa and briefly put its founder under house arrest, but he was found to be free a few days later.[113] A year after the attacks, Mumbai police continued to complain that Pakistani authorities were not cooperating by providing information for their investigation.[114] Meanwhile, journalists in Pakistan said security agencies were preventing them from interviewing people from Kasab's village.[115][116] Home Minister P. Chidambaram said the Pakistani authorities had not shared any information about American suspects Headley and Rana, but that the FBI had been more forthcoming.[117] An Indian report, summarising intelligence gained from India's interrogation of David Headley,[118] was released in October 2010. It alleged that Pakistan's intelligence agency (ISI) had provided support for the attacks by providing funding for reconnaissance missions in Mumbai.[119] The report included Headley's claim that Lashkar-e-Taiba's chief military commander, Zaki-ur-Rahman Lakhvi, had close ties to the ISI.[118] He alleged that "every big action of LeT IS done IN close coordination with [the According to investigations, the attackers travelled BY sea FROM Karachi, Pakistan, across the Arabian Sea, hijacked the Indian fishing trawler 'Kuber', killed the crew of four, THEN forced the captain to sail to Mumbai. After murdering the captain, the attackers entered Mumbai ON a rubber dinghy. The captain of 'Kuber', Amar Singh Solanki, had earlier been imprisoned for six months IN a Pakistani jail for illegally fishing IN Pakistani waters.[120] The attackers stayed AND were trained BY the Lashkar-e-Taiba IN a safehouse at Azizabad near Karachi before boarding a small boat for Mumbai.[121] David Headley was a member of Lashkar-e-Taiba, AND BETWEEN 2002 AND 2009 Headley travelled extensively AS part of his work for LeT. Headley received training IN small arms AND countersurveillance FROM LeT, built a network of connections for the GROUP, AND was chief scout IN scoping out targets for Mumbai attack[122][123] HAVING allegedly been given $25, 000 IN cash IN 2006 BY an ISI officer known AS Major Iqbal, The officer also helped him arrange a communications system for the attack, AND oversaw a model of the Taj Mahal Hotel so that gunmen could know their way inside the target, according to Headley's testimony to Indian authorities. Headley also helped ISI recruit Indian agents to monitor Indian troop levels and movements, according to a US official. At the same time, Headley was also an informant for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, and Headley's wives warned American officials of Headley's involvement with LeT and his plotting attacks, warning specifically that the Taj Mahal Hotel may be their target.[122] US officials believed that the Inter-Services Intelligence (I.S.I.) officers provided support to Lashkar-e-Taiba militants who carried out the attacks.[124] The arrest of Zabiuddin Ansari alias Abu Hamza in June 2012 provided further clarity on how the plot was hatched. According to Abu Hamza, the attacks were previously scheduled for 2006, using Indian youth for the job. However, a huge cache of AK-47's AND RDX, which were to be used for the attacks, was recovered FROM Aurangabad IN 2006, thus leading to the dismantling of the original plot. Subsequently, Abu Hamza fled to Pakistan AND along with Lashkar commanders, scouted for Pakistani youth to be used for the attacks. IN September 2007, 10 people were selected for the mission. IN September 2008, these people tried sailing to Mumbai FROM Karachi, but couldn't complete their mission due to choppy waters. These men made a second attempt in November 2008, and successfully managed to execute the final attacks. David Headley's disclosures, that three Pakistani army officers were associated with the planning AND execution of the attack were substantiated BY Ansari's revelations during his interrogation.[125][126] After Ansari's arrest, Pakistan's Foreign Office claimed they had received information that up to 40 Indian nationals were involved in the attacks.[127] Method The attackers had planned the attack several months ahead of time and knew some areas well enough to vanish and reappear after security forces had left. Several sources have quoted Kasab telling the police that the group received help from Mumbai residents.[128][129] The attackers used at least three SIM cards purchased on the Indian side of the border with Bangladesh.[130] There were also reports of a SIM card purchased in the US state New Jersey, if this is the case, then this would go back to Iraqi Intelligence Services and Al Qaeda from 9-11 and Lashkar or Jemmah Ismaliyah and Egyptian Islamic Jihad involvement through Pakistani ISI who had connections with Iraqi Intelligence from Saddam Hussein's old network of militants.[131] Police had also mentioned that Faheem Ansari, an Indian Lashkar operative who had been arrested IN February 2008, had scouted the Mumbai targets for the November attacks.[132] Later, the police arrested two Indian suspects, Mikhtar Ahmad, who IS FROM Srinagar IN Kashmir, AND Tausif Rehman, a resident of Kolkata. They supplied the SIM cards, one IN Calcutta, AND the other IN New Delhi.[133] Type 86 Grenades made BY China's state-owned Norinco were used in the attacks.[134] Blood tests on the attackers indicate that they had taken cocaine and LSD during the attacks, to sustain their energy and stay awake for 50 hours.[citation needed] Police say that they found syringes on the scenes of the attacks. There were also indications that they had been taking steroids.[135] The gunman who survived said that the attackers had used Google Earth to familiarise themselves with the locations of buildings used in the attacks.[136] There were 10 gunmen, nine of whom were subsequently shot dead and one captured by security forces.[137][138] Witnesses reported that they seemed to be in their early twenties, wore black T-shirts and jeans, and that they smiled and looked happy as they shot their victims.[139] It was initially reported that some of the attackers were British citizens,[140][141] but the Indian government later stated that there was no evidence to confirm this.[142] Similarly, early reports of 12 gunmen[143] were also later shown to be incorrect.[111] On 9 December, the 10 attackers were identified by Mumbai police, along with their home towns in Pakistan: Ajmal Amir from Faridkot, Abu Ismail Dera Ismail Khan from Dera Ismail Khan, Hafiz Arshad and Babr Imran from Multan, Javed from Okara, Shoaib from Narowal, Nazih and Nasr from Faisalabad, Abdul Rahman from Arifwalla, and Fahad Ullah from Dipalpur Taluka. Dera Ismail Khan is in the North-West Frontier Province; the rest of the towns are in Pakistani Punjab.[144] On 6 April 2010, the Home Minister of Maharashtra State, which includes Mumbai, informed the Assembly that the bodies of the nine killed Pakistani gunmen from the 2008 attack on Mumbai were buried in a secret location in January 2010. The bodies had been in the mortuary of a Mumbai hospital after Muslim clerics in the city refused to let them be buried on their grounds.[145] Attackers Only one of the 10 attackers, Ajmal Kasab, survived the attack. He was hanged in Yerwada jail in 2012.[146] Killed during the onslaught were: 1. Abdul Rehman 2. Abdul Rahman Chhota 3. Abu Ali 4. Fahad Ullah 5. Ismail Khan 6. Babar Imran 7. Abu Umar 8. Abu Sohrab 9. Shoaib alias Soheb Arrests Main articles: Ajmal Kasab and Zabiuddin Ansari Ajmal Kasab was the only attacker arrested alive by police.[147] Much of the information about the attackers' preparation, travel, AND movements comes FROM his confessions to the Mumbai police.[148] ON 12 February 2009 Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik said that Pakistani national Javed Iqbal, who acquired VoIP phones in Spain for the Mumbai attackers, and Hamad Ameen Sadiq, who had facilitated money transfer for the attack, had been arrested.[110] Two other men known as Khan and Riaz, but whose full names were not given, were also arrested.[149] Two Pakistanis were arrested in Brescia, Italy (East of Milan), on 21 November 2009, after being accused of providing logistical support to the attacks and transferring more than US$200 to Internet accounts using a false ID.[150][151] They had Red Corner Notices issued against them by Interpol for their suspected involvement and it was issued after the last year's strikes.[152] IN October 2009, two Chicago men were arrested AND charged BY the FBI for involvement IN "terrorism" abroad, David Coleman Headley AND Tahawwur Hussain Rana. Headley, a Pakistani-American, was charged IN November 2009 with scouting locations for the 2008 Mumbai attacks.[153][154] Headley IS reported to have posed AS an American Jew AND IS believed to have links with militant Islamist groups based IN Bangladesh.[155] ON 18 March 2010, Headley pled guilty to a dozen charges against him thereby avoiding going to trial. IN December 2009, the FBI charged Abdur Rehman Hashim Syed, a retired Major IN the Pakistani army, for planning the attacks IN association with Headley.[156] ON 15 January 2010, IN a successful snatch operation R&AW agents nabbed Sheikh Abdul Khwaja, one of the handlers of the 26/11 attacks, chief of HuJI India operations AND a most wanted suspect IN India, FROM Colombo, Sri Lanka, AND brought him OVER to Hyderabad, India for formal arrest.[157] ON 25 June 2012, the Delhi Police arrested Zabiuddin Ansari alias Abu Hamza, one of the key suspects IN the attack at the Indira Gandhi International Airport IN New Delhi. His arrest was touted AS the most significant development IN the CASE since Kasab's arrest.[158] Security agencies had been chasing him for three years in Delhi. Ansari is a Lashker-e-Taiba ultra and the Hindi tutor of the 10 attackers who were responsible for the Mumbai attacks in 2008.[159][160] He was apprehended, after he was arrested and deported to India by Saudi Intelligence officials as per official request by Indian authorities.[161] After Ansari's arrest, investigations revealed that IN 2009 he allegedly stayed for a day IN a room IN Old Legislators's Hostel, belonging to Fauzia Khan, a former MLA and minister in Maharashtra Government. The minister, however, denied having any links with him. Home Minister P. Chidambaram, asserted that Ansari was provided a safe place in Pakistan and was present in the control room, which could not have been established without active State support. Ansari's interrogation further revealed that Sajid Mir AND a Pakistani Army major visited India under fake names AS cricket spectators to survey targets IN Delhi AND Mumbai for about a fortnight.[162][163][164] Casualties AND compensation Main article: Casualties of the 2008 Mumbai attacks At least 164 victims (civilians AND security personnel) AND nine attackers were killed IN the attacks. Among the dead were 28 foreign nationals FROM 10 countries.[2][66][165][166][167] One attacker was captured.[168] The bodies of many of the dead hostages showed signs of torture OR disfigurement.[169] A number of those killed were notable figures IN business, media, AND security services.[170][171][172] The government of Maharashtra announced about ₹500000 (US$7, 500) AS compensation to the kin of EACH of those killed IN the terror attacks AND about ₹50000 (US$750) to the seriously injured.[173] IN August 2009, Indian Hotels Company AND the Oberoi GROUP received about $28 million USD AS part-payment of the insurance claims, ON account of the attacks ON Taj Mahal AND Trident, FROM General Insurance Corporation of India.[174] Aftermath Main article: Aftermath of the 2008 Mumbai attacks The attacks are sometimes referred to IN India AS "26/11", after the date IN 2008 that the attacks began, IN similar style to the 9/11 attacks IN the United States, the 11-M attack IN Madrid, Spain, AND the 7/7 bombings IN London, United Kingdom. The Pradhan Inquiry Commission, appointed BY the Maharashtra government, produced a report that was tabled before the legislative assembly more than a year after the events. The report said the "war-like" attack was beyond the capacity to respond of any police force, but also found fault with the Mumbai Police Commissioner Hasan Gafoor's lack of leadership during the crisis.[175] The Maharashtra government planned to buy 36 speed boats to patrol the coastal areas and several helicopters for the same purpose. It also planned to create an anti-terror force called "Force One" and upgrade all the weapons that Mumbai police currently have.[176] Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on an all-party conference declared that legal framework would be strengthened in the battle against "terrorism" and a federal anti-terrorist intelligence and investigation agency, like the FBI, will be set up soon to coordinate action against "terrorism."[177] The government strengthened anti-terror laws with UAPA 2008, and the federal National Investigation Agency was formed. The attacks further strained India's slowly recovering relationship with Pakistan. India's then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee (presently President of India) declared that India may indulge in military strikes against terror camps in Pakistan to protect its territorial integrity. There were also after-effects on the United States's relationships with both countries, [178] the US-led NATO war IN Afghanistan, [179] AND ON the Global War ON Terror.[180] FBI chief Robert Mueller praised the "unprecedented cooperation" BETWEEN American AND Indian intelligence agencies OVER the Mumbai terror attack probe.[181] However, Interpol secretary general Ronald Noble said that Indian intelligence agencies did NOT share any information with them (Interpol).[182] A new National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) was proposed to be set up BY the THEN Home Minister P. chidambaram AS an office to collect, collate, summarise, integrate, analyse, coordinate AND report all information AND inputs received FROM various intelligence agencies, state police departments, AND other ministries AND their departments. Movement of troops Pakistan moved troops towards the border with India voicing concerns about the Indian government's possible plans to launch attacks on Pakistani soil if it did not cooperate. After days of talks, the Pakistan government, however, decided to start moving troops away from the border.[183] Reactions Main article: Reactions to the 2008 Mumbai attacks Candlelight vigils at the Gateway of India in Mumbai Indians criticised their political leaders after the attacks, saying that their ineptness was partly responsible. The Times of India commented on its front page that "Our politicians fiddle as innocents die."[184] Political reactions in Mumbai and India included a range of resignations and political changes, including the resignations of Minister for Home Affairs Shivraj Patil,[185] Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh[186] and deputy chief minister R. R. Patil[187] for controversial reactions to the attack including taking the former's son AND Bollywood director Ram Gopal Verma to tour the damaged Taj Mahal AND the latters remarks that the attacks were NOT a big deal IN such a large city. Prominent Muslim personalities such AS Bollywood actor Aamir Khan appealed to their community members IN the country to observe Eid al-Adha AS a day of mourning ON 9 December.[188] The business establishment also reacted, with changes to transport, AND requests for an increase IN self-defence capabilities.[189] The attacks also triggered a chain of citizens' movements across India such as the India Today Group's "War Against Terror" campaign. There were vigils held across all of India with candles AND placards commemorating the victims of the attacks.[190] The NSG commandos based IN Delhi also met criticism for taking 10 hours to reach the 3 sites under attack International reaction for the attacks was widespread, with many countries AND international organisations condemning the attacks AND expressing their condolences to the civilian victims. Many important personalities around the world also condemned the attacks.[193] Media coverage highlighted the use of social media AND Internet social networking tools, including Twitter AND Flickr, IN spreading information about the attacks. IN addition, many Indian bloggers AND Wikipedia offered live textual coverage of the attacks.[194] A map of the attacks was set up BY a web journalist using Google Maps.[195][196] The New York Times, IN July 2009, described the event AS "what may be the most well-documented terrorist attack anywhere."[197] IN November 2010, families of American victims of the attacks filed a lawsuit IN Brooklyn, New York, naming Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, chief of the I.S.I., AS being complicit IN the Mumbai attacks. ON 22 September 2011, the attack ON the American Embassy IN Afghanistan, was attributed to Pakistan via cell phone records identical to the attacks IN Mumbai, also linked to Pakistan. The investigation IS ON-going.[124] Trials Kasab's trial Kasab's trial was delayed due to legal issues, AS many Indian lawyers were unwilling to represent him. A Mumbai Bar Association passed a resolution proclaiming that none of its members would represent Kasab. However, the Chief Justice of India stated that Kasab needed a lawyer for a fair trial. A lawyer for Kasab was eventually found, but was replaced due to a conflict of interest. ON 25 February 2009, Indian investigators filed an 11, 000-page chargesheet, formally charging Kasab with murder, conspiracy, AND waging war against India among other charges. Kasab's trial began on 6 May 2009. He initially pleaded not guilty, but later admitted his guilt on 20 July 2009. He initially apologised for the attacks and claimed that he deserved the death penalty for his crimes, but later retracted these claims, saying that he had been tortured by police to force his confession, and that he had been arrested while roaming the beach. The court had accepted his plea, but due to the lack of completeness within his admittance, the judge had deemed that many of the 86 charges were not addressed and therefore the trial continued. Kasab was convicted of all 86 charges on 3 May 2010. He was found guilty of murder for directly killing seven people, conspiracy to commit murder for the deaths of the 164 people killed in the three-day terror siege, waging war against India, causing terror, and of conspiracy to murder two high-ranking police officers. On 6 May 2010, he was sentenced to death by hanging.[198] [199] [200][201] However, he appealed his sentence at high court. On 21 February 2011, the Bombay High Court upheld the death sentence of Kasab, dismissing his appeal.[202] On 29 August 2012, the Indian Supreme Court upheld the death sentence for Kasab. The court stated, "We are left with no option but to award death penalty. The primary and foremost offence committed by Kasab is waging war against the Government of India.”[203] The verdict followed 10 weeks of appeal hearings, and was decided by a two-judge Supreme Court panel, which was led by Judge Aftab Alam. The panel rejected arguments that Kasab was denied a free and fair trial.[204] Kasab filed a mercy petition with the President of India, which was rejected on 5 November . Kasab was hanged in Pune's Yerwada jail IN secret ON 21 November 2012 at 7:30 am AND naming the operation AS operation 'X'. The Indian mission IN Islamabad informed the Pakistan government about Kasab's hanging through letter. Pakistan refused to take the letter, which was then faxed to them. His family in Pakistan was sent news of his hanging via a courier.[205] Trials in Pakistan Indian and Pakistani police have exchanged DNA evidence, photographs and items found with the attackers to piece together a detailed portrait of the Mumbai plot. Police in Pakistan have arrested seven people, including Hammad Amin Sadiq, a homoeopathic pharmacist, who arranged bank accounts and secured supplies. Sadiq and six others begin their formal trial on 3 October 2009 in Pakistan, though Indian authorities say the prosecution stops well short of top Lashkar leaders.[206] In November 2009, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that Pakistan has not done enough to bring the perpetrators of the attacks to justice.[207] On the eve of the first anniversary of 26/11, a Pakistani anti-terror court formally charged seven accused, including LeT operations commander Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi. However the actual trial started on 5 May 2012. The Pakistani court conducting trial of Mumbai attacks accused, reserved its judgement on the application filed by Lakhvi, challenging the report of the judicial panel, to 17 July 2012.[208] On 17 July 2012, the court refused to take the findings of the Pakistani judicial commission as part of the evidence. It however, ruled that if a new agreement that allows panel's examination of witnesses, IS reached, the prosecution may move an application for sending the panel to Mumbai.[209] The Indian Government upset OVER the court ruling, however, contended that evidence collected BY the Pakistani judicial panel has evidential value to punish all those involved IN the attack.[210] ON 21-September-2013, a Pakistani judicial commission arrived IN India to carry out the investigation AND to CROSS examine the witnesses. This IS the second such visit, the one IN March 2012 was NOT a success[211] AS its report was rejected BY an anti-terrorism court IN Pakistan due to lack of evidence. Trials IN the United States The LeT operative David Headley (born Daood Sayed Gilani) IN his testimony before a Chicago federal court during co-accused Tahawwur Rana's trial revealed that Mumbai Chabad House was added to the list of targets for surveillance given by his Inter Services Intelligence handler Major Iqbal, though the Oberoi hotel, one of the sites attacked, was not originally on the list.[212] On 10 June 2011, Tahawwur Rana was acquitted of plotting the 2008 Mumbai attacks, but was held guilty on two other charges.[213] He was sentenced to 14 years in federal prison on 17 January 2013.[214] David Headley pleaded guilty to 12 counts related to the attacks, including conspiracy to commit murder in India and aiding and abetting in the murder of six Americans. On 23 January 2013, he was sentenced to 35 years in federal prison. His plea that he not be extradited to India, Pakistan or Denmark was accepted.[215] Display resolution The display resolution or display modes of a digital television, computer monitor or display device is the number of distinct pixels in each dimension that can be displayed. It can be an ambiguous term especially as the displayed resolution is controlled by different factors in cathode ray tube (CRT), flat-panel display which includes liquid-crystal displays, or projection displays using fixed picture-element (pixel) arrays. It is usually quoted as width × height, with the units in pixels: for example, "1024 × 768" means the width is 1024 pixels and the height is 768 pixels. This example would normally be spoken as "ten twenty-four by seven sixty-eight" or "ten twenty-four by seven six eight". One use of the term "display resolution" applies to fixed-pixel-array displays such as plasma display panels (PDPs), liquid-crystal displays (LCDs), digital light processing (DLP) projectors, or similar technologies, and is simply the physical number of columns and rows of pixels creating the display (e.g. 1920 × 1080). A consequence of having a fixed-grid display is that, for multi-format video inputs, all displays need a "scaling engine" (a digital video processor that includes a memory array) to match the incoming picture format to the display. Note that for broadcast television standards the use of the word resolution here is a misnomer, though common. The term "display resolution" is usually used to mean pixel dimensions, the number of pixels in each dimension (e.g. 1920 × 1080), which does not tell anything about the pixel density of the display on which the image is actually formed: broadcast television resolution properly refers to the pixel density, the number of pixels per unit distance or area, not total number of pixels. In digital measurement, the display resolution would be given in pixels per inch. In analog measurement, if the screen is 10 inches high, then the horizontal resolution is measured across a square 10 inches wide. This is typically stated as "lines horizontal resolution, per picture height;"[1] for example, analog NTSC TVs can typically display about 340 lines of "per picture height" horizontal resolution from over-the-air sources, which is equivalent to about 440 total lines of actual picture information from left edge to right edge. Considerations 1080p progressive scan HDTV, which uses a 16:9 ratio Some commentators also use display resolution to indicate a range of input formats that the display's input electronics will accept AND often include formats greater than the screen's native grid size even though they have to be down-scaled to match the screen's parameters (e.g. accepting a 1920 × 1080 input ON a display with a native 1366 × 768 pixel array). IN the CASE of television inputs, many manufacturers will take the input AND zoom it out to "overscan" the display BY AS much AS 5% so input resolution IS NOT necessarily display resolution. The eye's perception of display resolution can be affected by a number of factors – see image resolution and optical resolution. One factor is the display screen's rectangular shape, which IS expressed AS the ratio of the physical picture width to the physical picture height. This IS known AS the aspect ratio. A screen's physical aspect ratio and the individual pixels' aspect ratio may NOT necessarily be the same. An array of 1280 × 720 ON a 16:9 display has square pixels, but an array of 1024 × 768 ON a 16:9 display has oblong pixels. An example of pixel shape affecting "resolution" OR perceived sharpness: displaying more information IN a smaller area using a higher resolution makes the image much clearer OR "sharper". However, most recent screen technologies are fixed at a certain resolution; making the resolution lower ON these kinds of screens will greatly decrease sharpness, AS an interpolation process IS used to "fix" the non-native resolution input into the display's native resolution output. While some CRT-based displays may use digital video processing that involves image scaling using memory arrays, ultimately "display resolution" in CRT-type displays is affected by different parameters such as spot size and focus, astigmatic effects in the display corners, the color phosphor pitch shadow mask (such as Trinitron) in color displays, and the video bandwidth. Notes The Steam user statistics were gathered from users of the Steam network in its hardware survey of May 2015.[9] The web user statistics were gathered from visitors to three million websites, normalised to counteract geolocational bias. Covers the four-month period from January to April 2014.[10] The numbers are not representative of computer users in general. When a computer display resolution is set higher than the physical screen resolution (native resolution), some video drivers make the virtual screen scrollable over the physical screen thus realizing a two dimensional virtual desktop with its viewport. Most LCD manufacturers do make note of the panel's native resolution AS working IN a non-native resolution ON LCDs will result IN a poorer image, due to dropping of pixels to make the image fit (WHEN using DVI) OR insufficient sampling of the analog signal (WHEN using VGA connector). Few CRT manufacturers will quote the TRUE native resolution, because CRTs are analog IN nature AND can vary their display FROM AS low AS 320 × 200 (emulation of older computers OR game consoles) to AS high AS the internal board will allow, OR the image becomes too detailed for the vacuum tube to recreate (i.e., analog blur). Thus, CRTs provide a variability IN resolution that fixed resolution LCDs cannot provide. IN recent years the 16:9 aspect ratio has become more common IN notebook displays. 1366 × 768 (HD) has become popular for most notebook sizes, while 1600 × 900 (HD+) AND 1920 × 1080 (FHD) are available for larger notebooks. AS far AS digital cinematography IS concerned, video resolution standards depend first ON the frames' aspect ratio in the film stock (which is usually scanned for digital intermediate post-production) and then on the actual points' COUNT. Although there IS NOT a unique set of standardized sizes, it IS commonplace WITHIN the motion picture industry to refer to "nK" image "quality", WHERE n IS a (small, usually even) integer number which translates into a set of actual resolutions, depending ON the film format. AS a reference consider that, for a 4:3 (around 1.33:1) aspect ratio which a film frame (no matter what IS its format) IS expected to horizontally fit IN, n IS the multiplier of 1024 such that the horizontal resolution IS exactly 1024•n points. For example, 2K reference resolution IS 2048 × 1536 pixels, whereas 4K reference resolution IS 4096 × 3072 pixels. Nevertheless, 2K may also refer to resolutions LIKE 2048 × 1556 (FULL-aperture), 2048 × 1152 (HDTV, 16:9 aspect ratio) OR 2048 × 872 pixels (Cinemascope, 2.35:1 aspect ratio). It IS also worth noting that while a frame resolution may be, for example, 3:2 (720 × 480 NTSC), that IS NOT what you will see ON-screen (i.e. 4:3 OR 16:9 depending ON the orientation of the rectangular pixels) Evolution of standards IN this image of a Commodore 64 startup screen, the blue borders IN the overscan region[clarify] would have been barely visible. A 640 × 200 display AS produced BY a monitor (left) AND television. Many personal computers introduced IN the late 1970s AND the 1980s were designed to use television receivers AS their display devices, making the resolutions dependent ON the television standards IN use, including PAL AND NTSC. Picture sizes were usually limited to ensure the visibility of all the pixels IN the major television standards AND the broad range of television sets with varying amounts of OVER scan. The actual drawable picture area was, therefore, somewhat smaller than the whole screen, AND was usually surrounded BY a static-colored border (see image to right). Also, the interlace scanning was usually omitted IN ORDER to provide more stability to the picture, effectively halving the vertical resolution IN progress. 160 × 200, 320 × 200 AND 640 × 200 ON NTSC were relatively common resolutions IN the era (224, 240 OR 256 scanlines were also common). IN the IBM PC world, these resolutions came to be used BY 16-color EGA video cards. One of the drawbacks of using a classic television IS that the computer display resolution IS higher than the television could decode. Chroma resolution for NTSC/PAL televisions are bandwidth-limited to a maximum 1.5 megahertz, OR approximately 160 pixels wide, which led to blurring of the color for 320- OR 640-wide signals, AND made text difficult to read (see second image to right). Many users upgraded to higher-quality televisions with S-Video OR RGBI inputs that helped eliminate chroma blur AND produce more legible displays. The earliest, lowest cost solution to the chroma problem was offered IN the Atari 2600 Video Computer System AND the Apple II+, both of which offered the option to disable the color AND view a legacy black-AND-white signal. ON the Commodore 64, the GEOS mirrored the Mac OS method of using black-AND-white to improve readability. A 4096-color HAM interlaced image produced BY an Amiga (1989) 16-color (top) AND 256-color (bottom) progressive images FROM a 1980s VGA card. Dithering IS used to overcome color limitations. The 640 × 400i resolution (720 × 480i with borders disabled) was first introduced BY home computers such AS the Commodore Amiga AND, later, Atari Falcon. These computers used interlace to boost the maximum vertical resolution. These modes were only suited to graphics OR gaming, AS the flickering interlace made reading text IN word processor, database, OR spreadsheet software difficult. (Modern game consoles solve this problem BY pre-filtering the 480i video to a lower resolution. For example, Final Fantasy XII suffers FROM flicker WHEN the filter IS turned off, but stabilizes once filtering IS restored. The computers of the 1980s lacked sufficient power to run similar filtering software.) The advantage of a 720 × 480i overscanned computer was an easy interface with interlaced TV production, leading to the development of Newtek's Video Toaster. This device allowed Amigas to be used for CGI creation in various news departments (example: weather overlays), drama programs such as NBC's seaQuest, WB's Babylon 5, and early computer-generated animation by Disney for The Little Mermaid, Beauty and the Beast, and Aladdin. In the PC world, the IBM PS/2 VGA (multi-color) on-board graphics chips used a non-interlaced (progressive) 640 × 480 × 16 color resolution that was easier to read and thus more useful for office work. It was the standard resolution from 1990 to around 1996.[citation needed] The standard resolution was 800x600 until around 2000. Microsoft Windows XP, released in 2001, was designed to run at 800 × 600 minimum, although it is possible to select the original 640 × 480 in the Advanced Settings window. Programs designed to mimic older hardware such as Atari, Sega, or Nintendo game consoles (emulators) when attached to multiscan CRTs, routinely use much lower resolutions, such as 160 × 200 or 320 × 400 for greater authenticity, though other emulators have taken advantage of pixelation recognition on circle, square, triangle and other geometric features on a lesser resolution for a more scaled vector rendering. Notes Errors: Encountered " "Digitizing "" at line 1, column 3. Was expecting: Job ID: vast-dock-106312:job_Qy_ODhWYHlOsuFq63vyPG1VuhT0 Start Time: Sep 10, 2015, 2:25:58 PM End Time: Sep 10, 2015, 2:25:58 PM Edit Query Run Query Save Query Save View Sep 10 Edit Query Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing or digitization[1] is the representation of an object, image, sound, document or a signal (usually an analog signal) by a discrete set of its points or samples. The result is called digital representation or, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, and digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal in digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image or capture the "corners" where the lines end or change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] as it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are converted into a single binary cod... Query Text: Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing or digitization[1] is the representation of an object, image, sound, document or a signal (usually an analog signal) by a discrete set of its points or samples. The result is called digital representation or, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, and digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal in digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image or capture the "corners" where the lines end or change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] as it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are converted into a single binary code. Digital information exists as one of two digits, either 0 or 1. These are known as bits (a contraction of binary digits) and the sequences of 0s and 1s that constitute information are called bytes.[3] Analog signals are continuously variable, both in the number of possible values of the signal at a given time, as well as in the number of points in the signal in a given period of time. However, digital signals are discrete in both of those respects – generally a finite sequence of integers – therefore a digitization can, in practical terms, only ever be an approximation of the signal it represents. Digitization occurs in two parts: Discretization The reading of an analog signal A, and, at regular time intervals (frequency), sampling the value of the signal at the point. Each such reading is called a sample and may be considered to have infinite precision at this stage; Quantization Samples are rounded to a fixed set of numbers (such as integers), a process known as quantization. In general, these can occur at the same time, though they are conceptually distinct. A series of digital integers can be transformed into an analog output that approximates the original analog signal. Such a transformation is called a DA conversion. The sampling rate and the number of bits used to represent the integers combine to determine how close such an approximation to the analog signal a digitization will be. ExampleThe term is often used to describe the scanning of analog sources (such as printed photos or taped videos) into computers for editing, but it also can refer to audio (where sampling rate is often measured in kilohertz) and texture map transformations. In this last case, as in normal photos, sampling rate refers to the resolution of the image, often measured in pixels per inch. Digitizing is the primary way of storing images in a form suitable for transmission and computer processing, whether scanned from two-dimensional analog originals or captured using an image sensor-equipped device such as a digital camera, tomographical instrument such as a CAT scanner, or acquiring precise dimensions from a real-world object, such as a car, using a 3D scanning device.[4] Digitizing is central to making a digital representations of geographical features, using raster or vector images, in a geographic information system, i.e., the creation of electronic maps, either from various geographical and satellite imaging (raster) or by digitizing traditional paper maps or graphs[5][6] (vector). "Digitization" is also used to describe the process of populating databases with files or data. While this usage is technically inaccurate, it originates with the previously proper use of the term to describe that part of the process involving digitization of analog sources, such as printed pictures and brochures, before uploading to target databases. Digitizing may also used in the field of apparel, where an image may be recreated with the help of embroidery digitizing software tools and saved as embroidery machine code. This machine code is fed into an embroidery machine and applied to the fabric. The most supported format is DST file. Apparel companies also digitize clothing patterns[ Analog signals to digital Analog signals are continuous electrical signals; digital signals are non-continuous. Analog signal can be converted to digital signal by ADC.[7] Nearly all recorded music has been digitized. About 12 percent of the 500,000+ movies listed on the Internet Movie Database are digitized on DVD.[citation needed] Handling of analog signal becomes easy [according to whom?] when it is digitized because the signal is digitized before modulation and transmission. The conversion process of analog to digital consists of two processes: sampling and quantizing. Digitization of personal multimedia such as home movies, slides, and photographs is a popular method of preserving and sharing older repositories. Slides and photographs may be scanned using an image scanner, but videos are more difficult.[8] Analog texts to digital About 5 percent of texts have been digitized as of 2006.[9] Older print books are being scanned and optical character recognition technologies applied by academic and public libraries, foundations, and private companies like Google.[10] Unpublished text documents on paper which have some enduring historical or research value are being digitized by libraries and archives, though frequently at a much slower rate than for books (see digital libraries). In many cases, archives have replaced microfilming with digitization as a means of preserving and providing access to unique documents. Implications This shift to digitization in the contemporary media world has created implications for traditional mass media products. However, these "limitations are still very unclear" (McQuail, 2000:28). The more technology advances, the more converged the realm of mass media will become with less need for traditional communication technologies. For example, the Internet has transformed many communication norms, creating more efficiency for not only individuals, but also for businesses. However, McQuail suggests traditional media have also benefited greatly from new media, allowing more effective and efficient resources available (2000:28). Collaborative projects There are many collaborative digitization projects throughout the United States. Two of the earliest projects were the Collaborative Digitization Project in Colorado and NC ECHO - North Carolina Exploring Cultural Heritage Online,[11] based at the State Library of North Carolina. These projects establish and publish best practices for digitization and work with regional partners to digitize cultural heritage materials. Additional criteria for best practice have more recently been established in the UK, Australia and the European Union.[12] Wisconsin Heritage Online[13] is a collaborative digitization project modeled after the Colorado Collaborative Digitization Project. Wisconsin uses a wiki[14] to build and distribute collaborative documentation. Georgia's collaborative digitization program, the Digital Library of Georgia,[15] presents a seamless virtual library on the state's history and life, including more than a hundred digital collections from 60 institutions and 100 agencies of government. The Digital Library of Georgia is a GALILEO[16] initiative based at the University of Georgia Libraries. In South-Asia Nanakshahi trust is digitizing manuscripts of Gurmukhīscript. Library preservation Main article: Digital preservation Digitization at the British Library of a Dunhuang manuscript for the International Dunhuang Project Digital preservation in its most basic form is a series of activities maintaining access to digital materials over time.[17] Digitization in this sense is a means of creating digital surrogates of analog materials such as books, newspapers, microfilm and videotapes. Digitization can provide a means of preserving the content of the materials by creating an accessible facsimile of the object in order to put less strain on already fragile originals. For sounds, digitization of legacy analogue recordings is essential insurance against technological obsolescence.[18] The prevalent Brittle Books[19] issue facing libraries across the world is being addressed with a digital solution for long term book preservation.[20] For centuries, books were printed on wood-pulp paper, which turns acidic as it decays. Deterioration may advance to a point where a book is completely unusable. In theory, if these widely circulated titles are not treated with de-acidification processes, the materials upon those acid pages will be lost forever. As digital technology evolves, it is increasingly preferred as a method of preserving these materials, mainly because it can provide easier access points and significantly reduce the need for physical storage space. Cambridge University Library is working on the Cambridge Digital Library, which will initially contain digitised versions of many of its most important works relating to science and religion. These include examples such as Isaac Newton's personally annotated first edition of his Philosophiæ Naturalis Principia Mathematica [21] as well as college notebooks[22][23] and other papers,[24] and some Islamic manuscripts such as a Quran[25] from Tipoo Sahib's library. Google, Inc. has taken steps towards attempting to digitize every title with "Google Book Search".[26][27] While some academic libraries have been contracted by the service, issues of copyright law violations threaten to derail the project.[28] However, it does provide - at the very least - an online consortium for libraries to exchange information and for researchers to search for titles as well as review the materials. Digitization versus digital preservation There is a common misconception that to digitize something is the same as digital preservation. To digitize something is to convert something from an analog into a digital format.[29] An example would be scanning a photograph and having a digital copy on a computer. This is essentially the first step in digital preservation. To digitally preserve something is to maintain it over a long period of time.[30] Digital preservation is more complicated because technology changes so quickly that a format that was used to save something years ago may become obsolete, like a 5 1/4” floppy drive. Computers are no longer made with them, and obtaining the hardware to convert a file from an obsolete format to a newer one can be expensive. As a result, the upgrading process must take place every 2 to 5 years,[31] or as newer technology becomes affordable, but before older technology becomes unobtainable. The Library of Congress provides numerous resources and tips for individuals looking to practice digitization and digital preservation for their personal collections.[32] Digital preservation can also apply to born-digital material. An example of something that is born-digital is a Microsoft Word document saved as a .docx file or a post to a social media site. In contrast, digitization only applies exclusively to analog materials. Born-digital materials present a unique challenge to digital preservation not only due to technological obsolescence but also because of the inherently unstable nature of digital storage and maintenance. Most websites last between 2.5 and 5 years, depending on the purpose for which they were designed.[33] Many libraries, archives, and museums, as well as other institutions struggle with catching up and staying current in regards to both digitization and digital preservation. Digitization is a time-consuming process, particularly depending on the condition of the holdings prior to being digitized. Some materials are so fragile that undergoing the process of digitization could damage them irreparably; light from a scanner can damage old photographs and documents. Despite potential damage, one reason for digitizing some materials is because they are so heavily used that digitization will help to preserve the original copy long past what its life would have been as a physical holding. Digitization can also be quite expensive. Institutions want the best image quality in digital copies so that when they are converted from one format to another over time only a high-quality copy is maintained. Smaller institutions may not be able to afford such equipment. Manpower at many facilities also limits how much material can be digitized. Archivists and librarians must have an idea of what their patrons wish to see most and try to prioritize and meet those needs digitally. Manpower and funding also limit digital preservation in many institutions. The cost of upgrading hardware or software every few years can be prohibitively expensive. Training is another issue, since many librarians and archivists do not have a computer science background. Intellectual control of digital holdings presents yet another issue which sometimes occurs when the physical holdings have not yet been entirely processed. One suggested timeframe for completely transcribing digital holdings was every ten to twenty years, making the process an ongoing and time-consuming one. Lean philosophy The broad use of internet and the increasing popularity of lean philosophy has also increased the use and meaning of "digitizing" to describe improvements in the efficiency of organizational processes. Lean philosophy refers to the approach which considers any use of time and resources, which does not lead directly to creating a product, as waste and therefore a target for elimination. This will often involve some kind of Lean process in order to simplify process activities, with the aim of implementing new "lean and mean" processes by digitizing data and activities. Digitization can help to eliminate time waste by introducing wider access to data, or by implementation of enterprise resource planning systems. Fiction Works of science-fiction often include the term digitize as the act of transforming people into digital signals and sending them into a computer. When that happens, the people disappear from the real world and appear in a computer world (as featured in the cult film Tron, the animated series Code: Lyoko, or the late 1980s live-action series Captain Power and the Soldiers of the Future). In the video game Beyond Good & Evil, the protagonist's holographic friend digitizes the player's inventory items. 2008 Mumbai attacks "26/11" redirects here. For the date, see November 26. 2008 Mumbai attacks

Query History Job History My Project 1

No datasets found in this project.

Please create a dataset or select a new project from the menu above. publicdata:samples Saved Queries Destinations Digitizing Doctor–patient relationship Recent Queries Sep 11 Edit Query Doctor–patient relationship he doctor–patient relationship is central to the practice of healthcare and is essential for the delivery of high-quality health care in the diagnosis and treatment of disease. The doctor–patient relationship forms one of the foundations of contemporary medical ethics. Most universities teach students from the beginning, even before they set foot in hospitals, to maintain a professional rapport with patients, uphold patients’ dignity, and respect their privacy. Importance A medical officer explains an x-ray to the patient. The doctor is providing medical advice to this patient. A physician performs a standard physical examination on his patient. A patient must have confidence in the competence of their physician and must feel that they can confide in him or her. For most physicians, the establishment of good rapport with a patient is important. Some medical specialties, such as psychiatry and family medicine, emphasize the physician–patient relationship m... Query Text: Doctor–patient relationship he doctor–patient relationship is central to the practice of healthcare and is essential for the delivery of high-quality health care in the diagnosis and treatment of disease. The doctor–patient relationship forms one of the foundations of contemporary medical ethics. Most universities teach students from the beginning, even before they set foot in hospitals, to maintain a professional rapport with patients, uphold patients’ dignity, and respect their privacy. Importance A medical officer explains an x-ray to the patient. The doctor is providing medical advice to this patient. A physician performs a standard physical examination on his patient. A patient must have confidence in the competence of their physician and must feel that they can confide in him or her. For most physicians, the establishment of good rapport with a patient is important. Some medical specialties, such as psychiatry and family medicine, emphasize the physician–patient relationship more than others, such as pathology or radiology. The quality of the patient–physician relationship is important to both parties. The better the relationship in terms of mutual respect, knowledge, trust, shared values and perspectives about disease and life, and time available, the better will be the amount and quality of information about the patient's disease transferred in both directions, enhancing accuracy of diagnosis and increasing the patient's knowledge about the disease. Where such a relationship is poor the physician's ability to make a full assessment is compromised and the patient is more likely to distrust the diagnosis and proposed treatment, causing decreased compliance to actually follow the medical advice. In these circumstances and also in cases where there is genuine divergence of medical opinions, a second opinion from another physician may be sought or the patient may choose to go to another physician. Michael Balint pioneered the study of the physician patient relationship in the UK with his wife Enid Balint resulting in the publication of the seminal book "The Doctor, His Patient and the Illness." Balint's work is continued by the Balint Society, The International Balint Federation[1] and other national Balint societies in other countries. In terms of efficacy (i.e. the outcome of treatment), the doctor–patient relationship seems to have a small, but statistically significant impact on healthcare outcomes.[2] Recognising that patients receive the best care when they work in partnership with doctors, the UK General Medical Council issued guidance for patients "What to expect from your doctor" in April 2013.[3][4] Aspects of relationship The following aspects of the doctor–patient relationship are the subject of commentary and discussion. Informed consent Main article: Informed consent The default medical practice for showing respect to patients is for the doctor to be truthful in informing the patient of their health and to be direct in asking for the patient's consent before giving treatment. Historically in many cultures there has been a shift from paternalism, the view that the "doctor always knows best," to the idea that patients must have a choice in the provision of their care and be given the right to provide informed consent to medical procedures.[5] There can be issues with how to handle informed consent in a doctor–patient relationship;[6] for instance, with patients who do not want to know the truth about their condition. Furthermore, there are ethical concerns regarding the use of placebo. Does giving a sugar pill lead to an undermining of trust between doctor and patient? Is deceiving a patient for his or her own good compatible with a respectful and consent-based doctor–patient relationship?[7] Shared decision making Health advocacy messages such as this one encourage patients to talk with their doctors about their healthcare. Main article: Shared decision making Shared decision making is the idea that as a patient gives informed consent to treatment, that person also is given an opportunity to choose among the treatment options according to their own treatment goals and wishes. A practice which is an alternative to this is for the doctor to make a person's health decisions without considering that person's treatment goals or having that person's input into the decision-making process. The spectrum of a physician’s inclusion of a patient into treatment decisions is well represented in Ulrich Beck’s World at Risk. At one end of this spectrum is Beck’s Negotiated Approach to risk communication, in which the communicator maintains an open dialogue with the patient and settles on a compromise on which both patient and physician agree. A majority of physicians employ a variation of this communication model to some degree, as it is only with this technique that a doctor can maintain the open cooperation of his or her patient. At the opposite end of this spectrum is the Technocratic Approach to risk communication, in which the physician exerts authoritarian control over the patient’s treatment and pushes the patient to accept the treatment plan with which they are presented. This communication model places the physician in a position of omniscience and omnipotence over the patient and leaves little room for patient contribution to a treatment plan. [8] Physician superiority The physician may be viewed as superior to the patient simply because the physician has the knowledge and credentials and is most often the one that is on home ground. The physician–patient relationship is also complicated by the patient's suffering (patient derives from the Latin patior, "suffer") and limited ability to relieve it on his or her own, potentially resulting in a state of desperation and dependency on the physician. A physician should at least be aware of these disparities in order to establish a good rapport and optimize communication with the patient. It may be further beneficial for the doctor–patient relationship to have a form of shared care with patient empowerment to take a major degree of responsibility for her or his care. Benefiting or pleasing A dilemma may arise in situations where determining the most efficient treatment, or encountering avoidance of treatment, creates a disagreement between the physician and the patient, for any number of reasons. In such cases, the physician needs strategies for presenting unfavorable treatment options or unwelcome information in such a way that minimizes strain on the doctor-patient relationship while benefiting the patient's overall physical health and best interests. Formal or casual There may be differences in opinion between the doctor and patient in how formal or casual the doctor–patient relationship should be. For instance, according to a Scottish study,[9] patients want to be addressed by their first name more often than is currently the case. In this study, most of the patients either liked (223) or did not mind (175) being called by their first names. Only 77 disliked it, most of whom were aged over 65.[9] On the other hand, most patients don't want to call the doctor by his or her first name.[9] Some familiarity with the doctor generally makes it easier for patients to talk about intimate issues such as sexual subjects, but for some patients, a very high degree of familiarity may make the patient reluctant to reveal such intimate issues.[10] Transitional care Transitions of patients between health care practitioners may decrease the quality of care in the time it takes to reestablish proper doctor-patient relationships. Generally, the doctor–patient relationship is facilitated by continuity of care in regard to attending personnel. Special strategies of integrated care may be required where multiple health care providers are involved, including horizontal integration (linking similar levels of care, e.g. multiprofessional teams) and vertical integration (linking different levels of care, e.g. primary, secondary and tertiary care).[11] Other people present An example of where other people present in a doctor-patient encounter may influence their communication is one or more parents present at a minor's visit to a doctor. These may provide psychological support for the patient, but in some cases it may compromise the doctor–patient confidentiality and inhibit the patient from disclosing uncomfortable or intimate subjects. When visiting a health provider about sexual issues, having both partners of a couple present is often necessary, and is typically a good thing, but may also prevent the disclosure of certain subjects, and, according to one report, increases the stress level.[10] Bedside manner The medical doctor, with a nurse by his side, is performing a blood test at a hospital in 1980. A good bedside manner is typically one that reassures and comforts the patient while remaining honest about a diagnosis. Vocal tones, body language, openness, presence, honesty, and concealment of attitude may all affect bedside manner. Poor bedside manner leaves the patient feeling unsatisfied, worried, frightened, or alone. Bedside manner becomes difficult when a healthcare professional must explain an unfavorable diagnosis to the patient, while keeping the patient from being alarmed. An example of how body language affects patient perception of care is that the time spent with the patient in the emergency department is perceived as longer if the doctor sits down during the encounter.[12] Physician–patient privilege Physician–patient privilege is a legal concept, related to medical confidentiality, that protects communications between a patient and his or her doctor from being used against the patient in court. It is a part of the rules of evidence in many common law jurisdictions. Almost every jurisdiction that recognizes physician–patient privilege not to testify in court, either by statute or though case law, limits the privilege to knowledge acquired during the course of providing medical services. In some jurisdictions, conversations between a patient and physician may be privileged in both criminal and civil courts. Scope The privilege may cover the situation where a patient confesses to a psychiatrist that he or she committed a particular crime. It may also cover normal inquiries regarding matters such as injuries that may result in civil action. For example, any defendant that the patient may be suing at the time cannot ask the doctor if the patient ever expressed the belief that his or her condition had improved. However, the rule generally does not apply to confidences shared with physicians when they are not serving in the role of medical providers. The rationale behind the rule is that a level of trust must exist between a physician and the patient so that the physician can properly treat the patient. If the patient were fearful of telling the truth to the physician because he or she believed the physician would report such behavior to the authorities, the treatment process could be rendered far more difficult, or the physician could make an incorrect diagnosis. For example, a below-age of consent patient came to a doctor with a sexually transmitted disease. The doctor is usually required to obtain a list of the patient's sexual contacts to inform them that they need treatment. This is an important health concern. However, the patient may be reluctant to divulge the names of his/her older sexual partners, for fear that they will be charged with statutory rape. In some jurisdictions, the doctor cannot be forced to reveal the information revealed by his patient to anyone except to particular organizations, as specified by law, and they too are required to keep that information confidential. If, in the case, the police become aware of such information, they are not allowed to use it in court as proof of the sexual conduct, except as provided by express intent of the legislative body and formalized into law.[1] The law in Ontario, Canada, requires that physicians report patients who, in the opinion of the physician, may be unfit to drive for medical reasons as per Section 203 of the Highway Traffic Act (Ontario).[2] The law in New Hampshire places physician–patient communications on the same basis as attorney–client communications, except in cases where law enforcement officers seek blood or urine test samples and test results taken from a patient who is being investigated for driving while intoxicated.[3] United States In the United States, the Federal Rules of Evidence do not recognize doctor–patient privilege. At the state level, the extent of the privilege varies depending on the law of the applicable jurisdiction. For example, in Texas there is only a limited physician–patient privilege in criminal proceedings, and the privilege is limited in civil cases as wel Patient participation Patient participation, also called shared decision making, is a process in which both the patient and physician contribute to the medical decision-making process. Under this operating system, health care providers explain treatments and alternatives to patients in order to provide the necessary resources for patients to choose the treatment option that most closely aligns with their unique cultural and personal beliefs.[1] In contrast, the current dominant form of medicine, the biomedical care system, places physicians in a position of authority with patients playing a passive role in care.[2] Under this paradigm, known as medical paternalism, physicians instruct patients about what to do, and the patients often follow the physicians' advice.[3] Relatively recently, however, a general shift has occurred in which patients are more involved in medical decision-making than before.[4] A recent review of 115 patient participation studies, for example, found that the majority of respondents preferred to participate in medical-decision making in only 50% of studies prior to 2000, while 71% of studies after 2000 found a majority of respondents who wanted to participate.[5] Variations of each method, including medical paternalism and patient participation, may be preferred by different patients. Many health agencies, including the American Cancer Society[6] and the American College of Physicians,[7] recommend a shared decision model in their medical practices. Patient Autonomy and Informed Consent In recognition of the fact that many factors influence medical decisions, the basic premise of patient participation emphasizes patient autonomy. The model recognizes that patients have personal values that influence the interpretation of risks and benefits differently from a physician. Frequently, there is more than one option with no clear choice of which option is best; this occurs when the decision at hand is about a preference-sensitive condition.[8] In certain situations, for example, the physician's point of view may differ from the decision that aligns most with the patient's values, judgments, and opinions. For this reason, informed consent is at the core of shared decision making.[9] That is, without fully understanding the advantages and disadvantages of all treatment options, patients cannot engage in making decisions based on their personal values and beliefs. The Ecological Model The ecological model of patient participation, proposed by researcher and professor Donald J. Cegala and based on previous research by Richard Street,[10] includes four main components of patient participation.[11] The first of these is termed information seeking. Assessment for this component includes the number of health-related questions the patient asks, along with the number of times the patient asks for the physician to verify information. Examples of information verifying may include asking a physician to repeat information, or summarizing what the physician said in order to ensure that the patient understood the information. The second facet of patient participation, as proposed by this model, is assertive utterances, which may include making recommendations to physicians, expressing an opinion or preference, or expressing disagreement. The third component of the model is information provision of symptoms and medical history with or without prompting from the physician. The final component of patient participation is expressions of concern, including affective responses such as anxiety, worry, or negative feelings. The extent of participation can be determined based on how often a patient displays these four overarching behaviors. Factors that Predict Participation There are certain patient characteristics that influence the extent of involvement.[12] Research shows that female patients who are younger, more educated, and who have a less severe illness than other patients are more likely to participate in medical decisions.[12] That is, an increase in age leads to a decrease in desire to participate, while higher levels of education increase participation levels. However, other research has offered conflicting evidence for the effect of age on level of participation. One study found that age did not inversely relate to participation levels.[13] In addition, numeracy levels may play an important role in patient participation. Recent research has shown that, in general, low-numeracy individuals in both Germany and the United States prefer to play a more passive role than their high-numeracy counterparts.[13] That is, individuals who are not as fluent with numbers and statistics tended to let their physicians make medical decisions without much input from the patients. In general, however, Americans play a more active role in the physician-patient relationship, by performing activities like asking follow-up questions and researching treatment options, than do Germans.[13] Furthermore, research shows that race plays an important role in whether a patient participates. Though African American patients report that they participate less in shared decision-making than whites,[14] studies have shown that African American patients desire to participate just as much as their white counterparts and are more likely to report initiating conversation about their health care with their physicians.[15] Interestingly, individuals who place a higher value on their health are more likely to play a passive role when it comes to medical decision-making than those who placed a lower value on health.[12] Researchers Arora and McHorney posit that this finding may be the result of apprehension when it comes to health-related concerns among those who place a high value on health, leading to a tendency to let an expert, rather than themselves, make important medical decisions. The Role of Physicians Physicians, of course, play an important role in the patient participation model. Researchers have developed specific measures to evaluate the effectiveness of a physician-patient relationship. One such measure explores the following three components of patient-centered behavior: physician's general ability to conceptualize both illness and disease in relation to a patient's life; physicians exploring the full context of illness in the patient's life setting (e.g., work, social supports, family) and personal development; physicians' ability to reach common ground with the participants in which the treatment goals and management strategies, nature of the problems and priorities, and roles of both the physician and patient are addressed.[16] Previous research has demonstrated that increased patient-centered behavior by physicians leads to greater compliance of patients' at-home medical care, such as taking pills.[17] It is important to note that, generally, physicians engage in more patient-centered communication when speaking with high participation patients rather than with low participation patients.[11] However, when a patient sees a physician of the same race, the patient perceives that physician as involving the patient more so than a physician of a different race.[14] Patient empowerment Patient empowerment is the granting of patients to take an active role in the decisions made about his or her own healthcare. Patient empowerment requires a patient to take responsibility for aspects of care such as respectful communications with one's doctors and other providers, patient safety, evidence gathering, smart consumerism (making care cost decisions in the United States), shared decision-making and more.[18] To ease patients’ empowerment, different countries have made laws and run multiple campaigns to raise awareness of these matters. For example, the French Act of 2 March 2002 aims for a ‘‘health democracy’’ in which patients’ rights and responsibilities are revisited, and which gives patients an opportunity to take control of their health. Similar enactments have been passed in countries such as Croatia, Hungary and the Catalan region. The same year, the UK passed The Penalty Charge for Patients to remind them of their responsibility in healthcare. In 2009, British and Australian campaigns were launched to highlight the costs of unhealthy lifestyles and the need for a culture of responsibility. The European Union took this issue seriously and since 2005, has regularly reviewed the question of patients’ rights through various policies with the cooperation of the World Health Organisation. Various Medical Associations have also followed the path of patients’ empowerment through different Bill of Rights or Declarations Consequences Benefits A recent study found that individuals who participate in shared decision-making are more likely to feel secure and may feel a stronger sense of commitment to recover.[20] Also, research has shown that patient participation leads to higher judgments of the quality of care.[21] Furthermore, patient participation leads to greater self-efficacy in patients, which in turn, leads to better health outcomes.[22] When a patient participates more in the decision-making process, the frequency of self-management behaviors increases, as well.[23] Self-management behaviors fall into three broad categories: health behaviors (e.g., exercise); consumeristic behaviors (e.g., reading the risks about a new treatment); and disease-specific management strategies.[24] In a similar vein, a recent study found that among patients with diabetes, the more an individual remembers information given by a physician, the more the patient participated in self-care behaviors at home.[25] Previous research has demonstrated that providing patients with personal coronary risk information may assist patients in improving cholesterol levels.[26] These findings are most likely attributed to an improvement in self-management techniques in response to the personalized feedback from physicians. Additionally, the findings of another study indicate that the use of a cardiovascular risk calculator led to increased patient participation and satisfaction with the treatment decision process and outcome, and reduced decisional regret.[27] Disadvantages Some patients do not find the patient participation model to be the best approach to care. A qualitative study found that barriers to patient participation may include: a patient's desire to avoid participation due to lack of perceived control over the situation, a medical professional's inability to make an emotional connection with the patient, an interaction with an overconfident and overly assertive medical professional, and general structural deficits in care that may undermine opportunities for a patient to exert control over the situation.[28] Furthermore, dispositional factors may play an important role in the extent to which a patient feels comfortable with a participating in medical decisions. Individuals who exhibit high trait anxiety, for example, prefer not to participate in medical decision-making.[29] For those who do participate in decision-making, there are potential disadvantages. As patients take part in the decision process, physicians may communicate uncertain or unknown evidence about the risks and benefits of a decision.[30] The communication of scientific uncertainty may lead to decision dissatisfaction.[30] Critics of the patient participation model assert that physicians who choose not to question and challenge the assumptions of patients do a medical disservice to patients, who are overall less knowledgeable and skilled than the physician.[31] Physicians who encourage patient participation can help the patient make a decision that is aligned with the patients' values and preferences. Decision Aids Patient participation increasingly relies on the use of decision aids in assisting the patients in choosing the best treatment option. Patient decision aids, which may include leaflets, video or audio tapes, or interactive media, supplement the patient-physician relationship and assist patients in making medical decisions that most closely aligns with their values and preferences.[32] Recently, interactive software or internet websites have helped bridge the divide between physician and patients.[33][34][35] Recent research has shown that the use of decision aids may increase patients' trust in physicians, thereby facilitating the shared decision-making process.[36] The International Patient Decision Aid Standards (IPDAS) Collaboration, a group of researchers led by professors Annette O'Connor in Canada and Glyn Elwyn in England, has published a set of standards, representing the efforts of more than 100 participants from fourteen countries around the world, that will help determine the quality of patient decision aids.[37] The report determined that there are certain components of an aid, such as providing information about options, using patient stories, and disclosing conflicts of interest, that will assist patients and health practitioners to assess the content, development process and effectiveness of decision aids. A health professional is an individual who provides preventive, curative, promotional or rehabilitative health care services in a systematic way to people, families or communities. A health professional may operate within medicine, surgery, midwifery, dentistry, nursing, pharmacy, psychology or allied health professions. A health professional may also be a public/community health expertee working for the common good of the society. Practitioners and professionals Health practitioners and professionals • Athletic trainer • Audiologist • Chiropractor • Clinical nurse specialist • Clinical officer • Community health worker • Dentist • Dietitian and nutritionist • Emergency medical technician • Feldsher • Health administrator • Medical assistant • Medical technologist • Midwife • Nurse anesthetist • Nurse • Paramedic • Pharmacist • Pharmaconomist • Pharmacy technician • Phlebotomist • Physician • Physician assistant • Podiatrist • Psychologist • Psychotherapist • Physical therapist (physiotherapist) • Radiographer • Respiratory therapist • Speech-language pathologist • Surgeon • Surgeon's assistant • Surgical technologist Related health care This box: • view • talk • edit Health care practitioners include physicians, dentists, pharmacists, physician assistants, nurses, advanced practice registered nurses, surgeons, surgeon's assistant, athletic trainers, surgical technologist, midwives, dietitians, therapists, psychologists, chiropractors, clinical officers, social workers, phlebotomists, occupational therapist, physical therapists, radiographer, respiratory therapists, audiologists, speech pathologists, optometrists, emergency medical technicians, paramedics, medical laboratory scientists, medical prosthetic technicians and a wide variety of other human resources trained to provide some type of health care service. They often work in hospitals, health care centres, and other service delivery points, but also in academic training, research, and administration. Some provide care and treatment services for patients in private homes. Many countries have a large number of community health workers who work outside formal health care institutions. Managers of health care services, health information technicians, and other assistive personnel and support workers are also considered a vital part of health care teams.[1] Health care practitioners are commonly grouped into a number of professions: • Medical (including generalist practitioners and specialists) • Nursing (including various professional titles) • Midwifery (including Obstetrics) • Dentistry (including dental team members) • Allied health professions • Health Scientists Within each field of expertise, practitioners are often classified according to skill level and skill specialization. “Health professionals” are highly skilled workers, in professions that usually require extensive knowledge including university-level study leading to the award of a first degree or higher qualification.[2] This category includes physicians, physician assistants, dentists, midwives, registered nurses, pharmacists, physiotherapists, optometrists, and others. Allied health professionals, also referred to as "health associate professionals" in the International Standard Classification of Occupations, support implementation of health care, treatment and referral plans usually established by medical, nursing, and other health professionals, and usually require formal qualifications to practice their profession. In addition, unlicensed assistive personnel assist with providing health care services as permitted. Another way to categorize health care practitioners is according to the sub-field in which they practice, such as mental health care, pregnancy and childbirth care, surgical care, rehabilitation care, or public health. Mental health practitioners Main article: Mental health professional A mental health practitioner is a health worker who offers services for the purpose of improving the mental health of individuals or treating mental illness. These include psy Mental health practitioners Main article: Mental health professional A mental health practitioner is a health worker who offers services for the purpose of improving the mental health of individuals or treating mental illness. These include psychiatrists, clinical psychologists, clinical social workers, psychiatric-mental health nurse practitioners, marriage and family therapists, as well as other health professionals and allied health professions. These health care providers often deal with the same illnesses, disorders, conditions, and issues; however their scope of practice often differs. The most significant difference across categories of mental health practitioners is education and training.[3] Maternal and newborn health practitioners Main articles: Obstetrics and Birth attendant A maternal and newborn health practitioner is a health worker who deals with the care of women and their children before, during and after pregnancy and childbirth. Such health practitioners include obstetricians, midwives, obstetrical nurses and many others. One of the main differences between these professions is in the training and authority to provide surgical services and other life-saving interventions.[4] In some developing countries, traditional birth attendants, or traditional midwives, are the primary source of pregnancy and childbirth care for many women and families, although they are not certified or licensed. Geriatric care practitioners Main articles: Geriatrics and Geriatric care management A geriatric care practitioner plans and coordinates the care of the elderly and/or disabled to promote their health, improve their quality of life, and maintain their independence for as long as possible. They include geriatricians, adult-gerontology nurse practitioners, clinical nurse specialists, geriatric clinical pharmacists, geriatric nurses, geriatric care managers, geriatric aides, and others who focus on the health and psychological care needs of older adults. Surgical practitioners A surgical practitioner is a healthcare professional who specializes in the planning and delivery of a patient's perioperative care, including during the anaesthetic, surgical and recovery stages. They may include general and specialist surgeons, surgeon's assistant, assistant surgeon, surgical assistant, anesthesiologists, anesthesiologist assistant, nurse anesthetists, surgical nurses, clinical officers, operating department practitioners, anaesthetic technicians, perioperative nursing, surgical technologists, and others. Rehabilitation care practitioners A rehabilitation care practitioner is a health worker who provides care and treatment which aims to enhance and restore functional ability and quality of life to those with physical impairments or disabilities. These include physiatrists, rehabilitation nurses, clinical nurse specialists, nurse practitioners, physiotherapists, orthotists, prosthetists, occupational therapists, recreational therapists, audiologists, speech and language pathologists, respiratory therapists, rehabilitation counsellors, physical rehabilitation therapists, physiotherapy technicians, orthotic technicians, prosthetic technicians, personal care assistants, and others.[5] Eye care practitioners Main articles: Ophthalmology and Optometry Care and treatment for the eye and the adnexa may be delivered by ophthalmologists specializing in surgical/medical care, or optometrists specializing in refractive management and medical/therapeutic care. Oral health practitioners Main article: Dentistry A dental care practitioner is a health worker who provides care and treatment to promote and restore oral health. These include dentists and dental surgeons, dental assistants, dental auxiliaries, dental hygienists, dental nurses, dental technicians, dental therapists, and related professionals. Foot care practitioners Care and treatment for the foot, ankle, and lower leg may be delivered by podiatrists, pedorthists, foot health practitioners, podiatric medical assistants, podiatric nurse and others. Public health practitioners A public health practitioner focuses on improving health among individuals, families and communities through the prevention and treatment of diseases and injuries, surveillance of cases, and promotion of healthy behaviors. This category includes community and preventive medicine specialists, public health nurses, clinical nurse specialists, dietitians, environmental health officers, paramedics, epidemiologists, health inspectors, and others. Alternative medicine practitioners In many societies, practitioners of alternative medicine have contact with a significant number of people, either as integrated within or remaining outside the formal health care system. These include practitioners in acupuncture, Ayurveda, herbalism, homeopathy, naturopathy, Siddha medicine, traditional Chinese medicine, traditional Korean medicine, and Unani. In some countries such as Canada, chiropractors and osteopaths (not to be confused with doctors of osteopathic medicine in the United States) are considered alternative medicine practitioners. Practice conditions and regulations Shortages of health professionals See also: Health workforce, Doctor shortage and Nursing shortage Many jurisdictions report shortfalls in the number of trained health human resources to meet population health needs and/or service delivery targets, especially in medically underserved areas. For example, in the United States, the 2010 federal budget invested $330 million to increase the number of doctors, nurses, and dentists practicing in areas of the country experiencing shortages of health professionals. The Budget expands loan repayment programs for physicians, nurses, and dentists who agree to practice in medically underserved areas. This funding will enhance the capacity of nursing schools to increase the number of nurses. It will also allow states to increase access to oral health care through dental workforce development grants. The Budget’s new resources will sustain the expansion of the health care workforce funded in the Recovery Act.[6] There were 15.7 million health care professionals in the US as of 2011.[7] In Canada, the 2011 federal budget announced a Canada Student Loan forgiveness programme to encourage and support new family physicians, nurse practitioners and nurses to practise in underserved rural or remote communities of the country, including communities that provide health services to First Nations and Inuit populations.[8] In Uganda, the Ministry of Health reports that as many as 50% of staffing positions for health workers in rural and underserved areas remain vacant. As of early 2011, the Ministry was conducting research and costing analyses to determine the most appropriate attraction and retention packages for medical officers, nursing officers, pharmacists, and laboratory technicians in the country’s rural areas.[9] At the international level, the World Health Organization estimates a shortage of almost 4.3 million doctors, midwives, nurses, and support workers worldwide to meet target coverage levels of essential primary health care interventions.[10] The shortage is reported most severe in 57 of the poorest countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. Occupational hazards A healthcare professional wears an air sampling device to investigate exposure to airborne influenza Occupational stress and occupational burnout are highly prevalent among health professionals.[11] Some studies suggest that workplace stress is pervasive in the health care industry because of inadequate staffing levels, long work hours, exposure to infectious diseases and hazardous substances leading to illness or death, and in some countries threat of malpractice litigation. Other stressors include the emotional labor of caring for ill people and high patient loads. The consequences of this stress can include substance abuse, suicide, major depressive disorder, and anxiety, all of which occur at higher rates in health professionals than the general working population. Elevated levels of stress are also linked to high rates of burnout, absenteeism and diagnostic errors, and to reduced rates of patient satisfaction.[11][12] In Canada, a national report (Canada's Health Care Providers) also indicated higher rates of absenteeism due to illness or disability among health care workers compared to the rest of the working population, although those working in health care reported similar levels of good health and fewer reports of being injured at work.[13] There is some evidence that cognitive-behavioral therapy, relaxation training and therapy (including meditation and massage), and modifying schedules can reduce stress and burnout among multiple sectors of health-care providers. Research is ongoing in this area, especially with regards to physicians, whose occupational stress and burnout is less researched compared to other health professions.[11] Exposure to respiratory infectious diseases like tuberculosis (caused by Mycobacterium tuberculosis) and influenza can be reduced with the use of respirators; this exposure is a significant occupational hazard for health care professionals.[14] Exposure to dangerous chemicals, including chemotherapy drugs, is another potential occupational risk. These drugs can cause cancer and other health conditions.[15] Healthcare workers are also at risk for diseases that are contracted through extended contact with a patient, including scabies.[16] Female health care workers may face specific types of workplace-related health conditions and stress. According to the World Health Organization, women predominate in the formal health workforce in many countries, and are prone to musculoskeletal injury (caused by physically demanding job tasks such as lifting and moving patients) and burnout. Female health workers are exposed to hazardous drugs and chemicals in the workplace which may cause adverse reproductive outcomes such as spontaneous abortion and congenital malformations. In some contexts, female health workers are also subject to gender-based violence including from coworkers and patients.[17][18] Health professionals are also at risk for contracting blood-borne diseases like hepatitis B, hepatitis C, and HIV/AIDS through needlestick injuries or through contact with bodily fluids.[19][20] This risk can be mitigated with vaccination when there is a vaccine available, like with hepatitis B.[20] Healthcare workers are at higher risk of on-the-job injury due to violence. Drunk, confused, and hostile patients and visitors are a continual threat to providers attempting to treat patients. Frequently, assault and violence in a healthcare setting goes unreported and is wrongly assumed to be part of the job.[21] Violent incidents typically occur during one-on-one care; being alone with patients increases healthcare workers' risk of assault.[22] In the United States, healthcare workers suffer 2/3 of nonfatal workplace violence incidents.[21] Psychiatric units represent the highest proportion of violent incidents, at 40%; they are followed by geriatric units (20%) and the emergency department (10%). Workplace violence can also cause psychological trauma.[22] The Occupational Health Safety Network is a system developed by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) to address health and safety risks among health care providers. Hospitals and other healthcare facilities can upload the occupational injury data they already collect to the secure database for analysis and benchmarking with other de-identified facilities from throughout the U.S. NIOSH works with OHSN participants in identifying and implementing timely and targeted interventions. OHSN modules currently focus on three high risk and preventable events that can lead to injuries or musculoskeletal disorders among healthcare providers: musculoskeletal injuries from patient handling activities; slips, trips, and falls; and workplace violence.[21] Slips, trips, and falls are the second-most common cause of worker's compensation claims in the US, and cause 21% of work absences due to injury. These injuries most commonly result in strains and sprains; women , those older than 45, and those who have been working less than a year in a healthcare setting are at the highest risk.[7] Health care professionals are also likely to experience sleep deprivation due to their jobs. Many health care professionals are on a shift work schedule, and therefore experience misalignment of their work schedule and their circadian rhythm. In 2007, 32% of healthcare workers were found to get fewer than 6 hours of sleep a night. Sleep deprivation also predisposes healthcare professionals to make mistakes that may potentially endanger a patient.[23] Regulation and registration of professionals Main article: Health professional requisites Practicing without a license that is valid and current is typically illegal. In most jurisdictions, the provision of health care services is regulated by the government. Individuals found to be providing medical, nursing or other professional services without the appropriate certification or license may face sanctions and criminal charges leading to a prison term. The number of professions subject to regulation, requisites for individuals to receive professional licensure, and nature of sanctions that can be imposed for failure to comply vary across jurisdictions. In the United States, under Michigan state laws, an individual is guilty of felony if identified as practicing in the health profession without a valid personal license or registration. Health professionals can also be imprisoned if found guilty of practicing beyond the limits allowed by their licences and registration. The state laws define the scope of practice for medicine, nursing, and a number of allied health professions.[24][unreliable source?] In Florida, practicing medicine without the appropriate license is a crime classified as a third degree felony,[25] which may give imprisonment up to five years. Practicing a health care profession without a license which results in serious bodily injury classifies as a second degree felony,[25] providing up to 15 years' imprisonment. In the United Kingdom, healthcare professionals are regulated by the state; the UK Health and Care Professions Council (HCPC) protects the 'title' of each profession it regulates. For example, it is illegal for someone to call himself an Occupational Therapist or Radiographer if they are not on the register held by the HCPC. Errors: Encountered " "Doctor "" at line 1, column 1. Was expecting: Job ID: vast-dock-106312:job_rWV-DlcHKRFBLsWr-h7LCm9Rq9w Start Time: Sep 11, 2015, 11:06:19 AM End Time: Sep 11, 2015, 11:06:19 AM Edit Query Run Query Save Query Save View Sep 10 Edit Query Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing OR digitization[1] IS the representation of an object, image, sound, document OR a signal (usually an analog signal) BY a discrete set of its points OR samples. The result IS called digital representation OR, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, AND digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal IN digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image OR capture the "corners" WHERE the lines END OR change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] AS it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are co... Query Text: Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing OR digitization[1] IS the representation of an object, image, sound, document OR a signal (usually an analog signal) BY a discrete set of its points OR samples. The result IS called digital representation OR, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, AND digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal IN digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image OR capture the "corners" WHERE the lines END OR change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] AS it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are converted into a single binary code. Digital information exists as one of two digits, either 0 or 1. These are known as bits (a contraction of binary digits) and the sequences of 0s and 1s that constitute information are called bytes.[3] Analog signals are continuously variable, both in the number of possible values of the signal at a given time, as well as in the number of points in the signal in a given period of time. However, digital signals are discrete in both of those respects – generally a finite sequence of integers – therefore a digitization can, in practical terms, only ever be an approximation of the signal it represents. Digitization occurs in two parts: Discretization The reading of an analog signal A, and, at regular time intervals (frequency), sampling the value of the signal at the point. Each such reading is called a sample and may be considered to have infinite precision at this stage; Quantization Samples are rounded to a fixed set of numbers (such as integers), a process known as quantization. In general, these can occur at the same time, though they are conceptually distinct. A series of digital integers can be transformed into an analog output that approximates the original analog signal. Such a transformation is called a DA conversion. The sampling rate and the number of bits used to represent the integers combine to determine how close such an approximation to the analog signal a digitization will be. ExampleThe term is often used to describe the scanning of analog sources (such as printed photos or taped videos) into computers for editing, but it also can refer to audio (where sampling rate is often measured in kilohertz) and texture map transformations. In this last case, as in normal photos, sampling rate refers to the resolution of the image, often measured in pixels per inch. Digitizing is the primary way of storing images in a form suitable for transmission and computer processing, whether scanned from two-dimensional analog originals or captured using an image sensor-equipped device such as a digital camera, tomographical instrument such as a CAT scanner, or acquiring precise dimensions from a real-world object, such as a car, using a 3D scanning device.[4] Digitizing is central to making a digital representations of geographical features, using raster or vector images, in a geographic information system, i.e., the creation of electronic maps, either from various geographical and satellite imaging (raster) or by digitizing traditional paper maps or graphs[5][6] (vector). "Digitization" is also used to describe the process of populating databases with files or data. While this usage is technically inaccurate, it originates with the previously proper use of the term to describe that part of the process involving digitization of analog sources, such as printed pictures and brochures, before uploading to target databases. Digitizing may also used in the field of apparel, where an image may be recreated with the help of embroidery digitizing software tools and saved as embroidery machine code. This machine code is fed into an embroidery machine and applied to the fabric. The most supported format is DST file. Apparel companies also digitize clothing patterns[ Analog signals to digital Analog signals are continuous electrical signals; digital signals are non-continuous. Analog signal can be converted to digital signal by ADC.[7] Nearly all recorded music has been digitized. About 12 percent of the 500,000+ movies listed on the Internet Movie Database are digitized on DVD.[citation needed] Handling of analog signal becomes easy [according to whom?] when it is digitized because the signal is digitized before modulation and transmission. The conversion process of analog to digital consists of two processes: sampling and quantizing. Digitization of personal multimedia such as home movies, slides, and photographs is a popular method of preserving and sharing older repositories. Slides and photographs may be scanned using an image scanner, but videos are more difficult.[8] Analog texts to digital About 5 percent of texts have been digitized as of 2006.[9] Older print books are being scanned and optical character recognition technologies applied by academic and public libraries, foundations, and private companies like Google.[10] Unpublished text documents on paper which have some enduring historical or research value are being digitized by libraries and archives, though frequently at a much slower rate than for books (see digital libraries). In many cases, archives have replaced microfilming with digitization as a means of preserving and providing access to unique documents. Implications This shift to digitization in the contemporary media world has created implications for traditional mass media products. However, these "limitations are still very unclear" (McQuail, 2000:28). The more technology advances, the more converged the realm of mass media will become with less need for traditional communication technologies. For example, the Internet has transformed many communication norms, creating more efficiency for not only individuals, but also for businesses. However, McQuail suggests traditional media have also benefited greatly from new media, allowing more effective and efficient resources available (2000:28). Collaborative projects There are many collaborative digitization projects throughout the United States. Two of the earliest projects were the Collaborative Digitization Project in Colorado and NC ECHO - North Carolina Exploring Cultural Heritage Online,[11] based at the State Library of North Carolina. These projects establish and publish best practices for digitization and work with regional partners to digitize cultural heritage materials. Additional criteria for best practice have more recently been established in the UK, Australia and the European Union.[12] Wisconsin Heritage Online[13] is a collaborative digitization project modeled after the Colorado Collaborative Digitization Project. Wisconsin uses a wiki[14] to build and distribute collaborative documentation. Georgia's collaborative digitization program, the Digital Library of Georgia,[15] presents a seamless virtual library on the state's history and life, including more than a hundred digital collections from 60 institutions and 100 agencies of government. The Digital Library of Georgia is a GALILEO[16] initiative based at the University of Georgia Libraries. In South-Asia Nanakshahi trust is digitizing manuscripts of Gurmukhīscript. Library preservation Main article: Digital preservation Digitization at the British Library of a Dunhuang manuscript for the International Dunhuang Project Digital preservation in its most basic form is a series of activities maintaining access to digital materials over time.[17] Digitization in this sense is a means of creating digital surrogates of analog materials such as books, newspapers, microfilm and videotapes. Digitization can provide a means of preserving the content of the materials by creating an accessible facsimile of the object in order to put less strain on already fragile originals. For sounds, digitization of legacy analogue recordings is essential insurance against technological obsolescence.[18] The prevalent Brittle Books[19] issue facing libraries across the world is being addressed with a digital solution for long term book preservation.[20] For centuries, books were printed on wood-pulp paper, which turns acidic as it decays. Deterioration may advance to a point where a book is completely unusable. In theory, if these widely circulated titles are not treated with de-acidification processes, the materials upon those acid pages will be lost forever. As digital technology evolves, it is increasingly preferred as a method of preserving these materials, mainly because it can provide easier access points and significantly reduce the need for physical storage space. Cambridge University Library is working on the Cambridge Digital Library, which will initially contain digitised versions of many of its most important works relating to science and religion. These include examples such as Isaac Newton's personally annotated first edition of his Philosophiæ Naturalis Principia Mathematica [21] as well as college notebooks[22][23] and other papers,[24] and some Islamic manuscripts such as a Quran[25] from Tipoo Sahib's library. Google, Inc. has taken steps towards attempting to digitize every title with "Google Book Search".[26][27] While some academic libraries have been contracted by the service, issues of copyright law violations threaten to derail the project.[28] However, it does provide - at the very least - an online consortium for libraries to exchange information and for researchers to search for titles as well as review the materials. Digitization versus digital preservation There is a common misconception that to digitize something is the same as digital preservation. To digitize something is to convert something from an analog into a digital format.[29] An example would be scanning a photograph and having a digital copy on a computer. This is essentially the first step in digital preservation. To digitally preserve something is to maintain it over a long period of time.[30] Digital preservation is more complicated because technology changes so quickly that a format that was used to save something years ago may become obsolete, like a 5 1/4” floppy drive. Computers are no longer made with them, and obtaining the hardware to convert a file from an obsolete format to a newer one can be expensive. As a result, the upgrading process must take place every 2 to 5 years,[31] or as newer technology becomes affordable, but before older technology becomes unobtainable. The Library of Congress provides numerous resources and tips for individuals looking to practice digitization and digital preservation for their personal collections.[32] Digital preservation can also apply to born-digital material. An example of something that is born-digital is a Microsoft Word document saved as a .docx file or a post to a social media site. In contrast, digitization only applies exclusively to analog materials. Born-digital materials present a unique challenge to digital preservation not only due to technological obsolescence but also because of the inherently unstable nature of digital storage and maintenance. Most websites last between 2.5 and 5 years, depending on the purpose for which they were designed.[33] Many libraries, archives, and museums, as well as other institutions struggle with catching up and staying current in regards to both digitization and digital preservation. Digitization is a time-consuming process, particularly depending on the condition of the holdings prior to being digitized. Some materials are so fragile that undergoing the process of digitization could damage them irreparably; light from a scanner can damage old photographs and documents. Despite potential damage, one reason for digitizing some materials is because they are so heavily used that digitization will help to preserve the original copy long past what its life would have been as a physical holding. Digitization can also be quite expensive. Institutions want the best image quality in digital copies so that when they are converted from one format to another over time only a high-quality copy is maintained. Smaller institutions may not be able to afford such equipment. Manpower at many facilities also limits how much material can be digitized. Archivists and librarians must have an idea of what their patrons wish to see most and try to prioritize and meet those needs digitally. Manpower and funding also limit digital preservation in many institutions. The cost of upgrading hardware or software every few years can be prohibitively expensive. Training is another issue, since many librarians and archivists do not have a computer science background. Intellectual control of digital holdings presents yet another issue which sometimes occurs when the physical holdings have not yet been entirely processed. One suggested timeframe for completely transcribing digital holdings was every ten to twenty years, making the process an ongoing and time-consuming one. Lean philosophy The broad use of internet and the increasing popularity of lean philosophy has also increased the use and meaning of "digitizing" to describe improvements in the efficiency of organizational processes. Lean philosophy refers to the approach which considers any use of time and resources, which does not lead directly to creating a product, as waste and therefore a target for elimination. This will often involve some kind of Lean process in order to simplify process activities, with the aim of implementing new "lean AND mean" processes by digitizing data and activities. Digitization can help to eliminate time waste by introducing wider access to data, or by implementation of enterprise resource planning systems. Fiction Works of science-fiction often include the term digitize as the act of transforming people into digital signals and sending them into a computer. When that happens, the people disappear from the real world and appear in a computer world (as featured in the cult film Tron, the animated series Code: Lyoko, or the late 1980s live-action series Captain Power and the Soldiers of the Future). In the video game Beyond Good & Evil, the protagonist's holographic friend digitizes the player's inventory items. 2008 Mumbai attacks "26/11" redirects here. For the date, see November 26. 2008 Mumbai attacks Locations of the 2008 Mumbai attacks Location Mumbai, India • Leopold Café • Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus • Taj Mahal Palace Hotel • Oberoi Trident • Cama Hospital • Nariman House Coordinates 18.922125°N 72.832564°E Date 26 November 2008-29 November 2008 23:00 (26/11)-08:00 (29/11) (IST, UTC+05:30) Attack type Bombings, shootings, hostage crisis,[1] siege Deaths Approximately 164 (in addition to 10 attackers, including 1 attacker captured and later executed)[2] Non-fatal injuries 600+[2] Victims See casualty list for complete list Assailants Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi[3][4] Lashkar-e-Taiba[5][6][7] Number of participants 24–26 Defenders • National Security Guards[8][9] • MARCOS • Mumbai Police • Indian ATS • Mumbai Fire Brigade In November 2008, 10 Pakistani members of Lashkar-e-Taiba, an Islamic militant organisation, carried out a series of 12 coordinated shooting and bombing attacks lasting four days across Mumbai.[10][11][12] Ajmal Kasab, the only attacker who was captured alive, later confessed upon interrogation that the attacks were conducted with the support of the Pakistan government's intelligence agency, the ISI.[13][14] The attacks, which drew widespread global condemnation, began on Wednesday, 26 November and lasted until Saturday, 29 November 2008, killing 164 people and wounding at least 308.[2][15] Eight of the attacks occurred in South Mumbai: at Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, the Oberoi Trident,[16] the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower,[16] Leopold Cafe, Cama Hospital,[16] the Nariman House Jewish community centre,[17] the Metro Cinema,[18] and in a lane behind the Times of India building and St. Xavier's College.[16] There was also an explosion at Mazagaon, in Mumbai's port area, and in a taxi at Vile Parle.[19] By the early morning of 28 November, all sites except for the Taj hotel had been secured by Mumbai Police and security forces. On 29 November, India's National Security Guards (NSG) conducted 'Operation Black Tornado' to flush out the remaining attackers; it resulted in the deaths of the last remaining attackers at the Taj hotel and ending all fighting in the attacks.[20] Ajmal Kasab[21] disclosed that the attackers were members of Lashkar-e-Taiba,[22] among others.[23] The Government of India said that the attackers came from Pakistan, and their controllers were in Pakistan.[24] On 7 January 2009,[25] On 9 April, 2015; the foremost mastermind of the attacks Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi[26][27] was granted bail against surety bonds Background One of the bomb-damaged coaches at the Mahim station in Mumbai during the 11 July 2006 train bombings There have been many bombings in Mumbai since the 13 coordinated bomb explosions that killed 257 people and injured 700 on 12 March 1993.[30] The 1993 attacks are believed to have been in retaliation for the Babri Mosque demolition.[31] On 6 December 2002, a blast in a BEST bus near Ghatkopar station killed two people and injured 28.[32] The bombing occurred on the 10th anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya.[33] A bicycle bomb exploded near the Vile Parle station in Mumbai, killing one person and injuring 25 on 27 January 2003, a day before the visit of the Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee to the city.[34] On 13 March 2003, a day after the 10th anniversary of the 1993 Bombay bombings, a bomb exploded in a train compartment near the Mulund station, killing 10 people and injuring 70.[35] On 28 July 2003, a blast in a BEST bus in Ghatkopar killed 4 people and injured 32.[36] On 25 August 2003, two bombs exploded in South Mumbai, one near the Gateway of India and the other at Zaveri Bazaar in Kalbadevi. At least 44 people were killed and 150 injured.[37] On 11 July 2006, seven bombs exploded within 11 minutes on the Suburban Railway in Mumbai,[38] killing 209 people, including 22 foreigners[39][40][41] and more than 700 injured.[42][43] According to the Mumbai Police, the bombings were carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba and Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI).[44][45] Training A group of men, sometimes stated as 24, at other times 26[46] received training in marine warfare at a remote camp in mountainous Muzaffarabad, Azad Kashmir. Part of the training was reported to have taken place on the Mangla Dam reservoir.[47] The recruits went through the following stages of training, according to Indian and U.S. media reports: • Psychological: Indoctrination to Islamist ideas, including imagery of atrocities suffered by Muslims in India,[48] Chechnya, Palestine and across the globe. • Basic Combat: Lashkar's basic combat training and methodology course, the Daura Aam. • Advanced Training: Selected to undergo advanced combat training at a camp near Mansehra, a course the organisation calls the Daura Khaas.[48] According to an unnamed source at the US Defense Department this includes advanced weapons and explosives training supervised by retired personnel of the Pakistan Army,[49] along with survival training and further indoctrination. • Commando Training: Finally, an even smaller group selected for specialised commando tactics training and marine navigation training given to the Fedayeen unit selected in order to target Mumbai.[citation needed] From the students, 10 were handpicked for the Mumbai mission.[50] They also received training in swimming and sailing, besides the use of high-end weapons and explosives under the supervision of LeT commanders. According to a media report citing an unnamed former Defence Department Official of the US, the intelligence agencies of the US had determined that former officers from Pakistan's Army and Inter-Services Intelligence agency assisted actively and continuously in training.[51] They were given blueprints of all the four targets – Taj Mahal Palace & Tower, Oberoi Trident, Nariman House and Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus Attacks Main article: Timeline of the 2008 Mumbai attacks The first events were detailed around 20:00 Indian Standard Time (IST) on 26 November, when 10 men in inflatable speedboats came ashore at two locations in Colaba. They reportedly told local Marathi-speaking fishermen who asked them who they were to "mind their own business" before they split up and headed two different ways. The fishermen's subsequent report to police received little response and local police was helpless.[52] Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus The Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) was attacked by two gunmen, one of whom, Ajmal Kasab, was later caught alive by the police and identified by eyewitnesses. The attacks began around 21:30 when the two men entered the passenger hall and opened fire,[53] using AK-47 rifles.[54] The attackers killed 58 people and injured 104 others,[54] their assault ending at about 22:45.[53] Security forces and emergency services arrived shortly afterwards. Continuous announcements by a brave railway announcer, Vishnu Dattaram Zende, alerted passengers to leave the station and saved scores of lives.[55][56] The two gunmen fled the scene and fired at pedestrians and police officers in the streets, killing eight police officers. The attackers passed a police station. Many of the outgunned police officers were afraid to confront the attackers, and instead switched off the lights and secured the gates. The attackers then headed towards Cama Hospital with an intention to kill patients,[57] but the hospital staff locked all of the patient wards. A team of the Mumbai Anti-Terrorist Squad led by police chief Hemant Karkare searched the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus and then left in pursuit of Kasab and Khan. Kasab and Khan opened fire on the vehicle in a lane next to the hospital and the police returned fire. Karkare, Vijay Salaskar, Ashok Kamte and one of their officers were killed, though the only survivor, Constable Arun Jadhav, was wounded.[58] Kasab and Khan seized the police vehicle but later abandoned it and seized a passenger car instead. They then ran into a police roadblock, which had been set up after Jadhav radioed for help.[59] A gun battle then ensued in which Khan was killed and Kasab was wounded. After a physical struggle, Kasab was arrested.[60] A police officer, Tukaram Omble was also killed when he ran in front of Kasab to shoot him. The Leopold Cafe, a popular restaurant and bar on Colaba Causeway in South Mumbai, was one of the first sites to be attacked.[61] Two attackers opened fire on the cafe on the evening of 26 November, killing at least 10 people, (including some foreigners), and injuring many more.[62] Bomb blasts in taxis There were two explosions in taxis caused by timer bombs. The first one occurred at 22:40 at Vile Parle, killing the driver and a passenger. The second explosion took place at Wadi Bunder between 22:20 and 22:25. Three people, including the driver of the taxi were killed, and about 15 others were injured.[19][63] Taj Mahal Hotel and Oberoi Trident Two hotels, the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower and the Oberoi Trident, were among the four locations targeted. Six explosions were reported at the Taj hotel – one in the lobby, two in the elevators, three in the restaurant – and one at the Oberoi Trident.[64][65] At the Taj Mahal, firefighters rescued 200 hostages from windows using ladders during the first night. CNN initially reported on the morning of 27 November 2008 that the hostage situation at the Taj had been resolved and quoted the police chief of Maharashtra stating that all hostages were freed;[66] however, it was learned later that day that there were still two attackers holding hostages, including foreigners, in the Taj Mahal hotel.[67] The Wasabi restaurant on the first floor of the Taj Hotel was completely gutted. A number of European Parliament Committee on International Trade delegates were staying in the Taj Mahal hotel when it was attacked,[68] but none of them were injured.[69] British Conservative Member of the European Parliament (MEP) Sajjad Karim (who was in the lobby when attackers initially opened fire there) and German Social Democrat MEP Erika Mann were hiding in different parts of the building.[70] Also reported present was Spanish MEP Ignasi Guardans, who was barricaded in a hotel room.[71][72] Another British Conservative MEP, Syed Kamall, reported that he along with several other MEPs left the hotel and went to a nearby restaurant shortly before the attack.[70] Kamall also reported that Polish MEP Jan Masiel was thought to have been sleeping in his hotel room when the attacks started, but eventually left the hotel safely.[73] Kamall and Guardans reported that a Hungarian MEP's assistant was shot.[70][74] Also caught up in the shooting were the President of Madrid, Esperanza Aguirre, while checking in at the Oberoi Trident,[74] and Indian MP N. N. Krishnadas of Kerala and Gulam Noon while having dinner at a restaurant in the Taj hotel.[75][76] Nariman House Main article: Nariman House Front view of the Nariman House a week after the attacks Nariman House, a Chabad Lubavitch Jewish center in Colaba known as the Mumbai Chabad House, was taken over by two attackers and several residents were held hostage.[77] Police evacuated adjacent buildings and exchanged fire with the attackers, wounding one. Local residents were told to stay inside. The attackers threw a grenade into a nearby lane, causing no casualties. NSG commandos arrived from Delhi, and a naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. After a long battle, one NSG commando Havaldar Gajender Singh Bisht and both perpetrators were killed.[78][79] Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg and his wife Rivka Holtzberg, who was six months pregnant, were murdered with four other hostages inside the house by the attackers.[80] According to radio transmissions picked up by Indian intelligence, the attackers "would be told BY their handlers IN Pakistan that the lives of Jews were worth 50 times those of non-Jews." Injuries on some of the bodies indicated that they may have been tortured.[81][82] NSG raid NSG Commandos beginning the assault on Nariman House by fast-roping onto the terrace. During the attacks, both hotels were surrounded by Rapid Action Force personnel and Marine Commandos (MARCOS) and National Security Guards (NSG) commandos.[83][84] When reports emerged that attackers were receiving television broadcasts, feeds to the hotels were blocked.[85] Security forces stormed both hotels, and all nine attackers were killed by the morning of 29 November.[86][87] Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan of the NSG was killed during the rescue of Commando Sunil Yadav, who was hit in the leg by a bullet during the rescue operations at Taj.[88][89] 32 hostages were killed at the Oberoi Trident.[90] NSG commandos then took on the Nariman house, and a Naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. NSG Commando Havaldar Gajender Singh Bisht, who was part of the team that fast-roped onto Nariman House, died after a long battle in which both perpetrators were also killed.[78][79] Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg and his wife Rivka Holtzberg, who was six months pregnant, were murdered with four other hostages inside the house by the attackers.[80] By the morning of 27 November, the NSG had secured the Jewish outreach center at Nariman House as well as the Oberoi Trident hotel. They also incorrectly believed that the Taj Mahal Palace and Towers had been cleared of attackers, and soldiers were leading hostages and holed-up guests to safety, and removing bodies of those killed in the attacks.[91][92][93] However, later news reports indicated that there were still two or three attackers in the Taj, with explosions heard and gunfire exchanged.[93] Fires were also reported at the ground floor of the Taj with plumes of smoke arising from the first floor.[93] The final operation at the Taj Mahal Palace hotel was completed by the NSG commandos at 08:00 on 29 November, killing three attackers and resulting in the conclusion of the attacks.[94] The NSG rescued 250 people from the Oberoi, 300 from the Taj and 60 people (members of 12 different families) from Nariman House.[95] In addition, police seized a boat filled with arms and explosives anchored at Mazgaon dock off Mumbai harbour.[96] Attribution Main articles: Attribution of the 2008 Mumbai attacks and Erroneous reporting on the 2008 Mumbai attacks The Mumbai attacks were planned and directed by Lashkar-e-Taiba militants inside Pakistan, and carried out by 10 young armed men trained and sent to Mumbai and directed from inside Pakistan via mobile phones and VoIP.[23][97][98] In July 2009 Pakistani authorities confirmed that LeT plotted and financed the attacks from LeT camps in Karachi and Thatta.[99] In November 2009, Pakistani authorities charged seven men they had arrested earlier, of planning and executing the assault.[100] Mumbai police originally identified 37 suspects—including two army officers—for their alleged involvement in the plot. All but two of the suspects, many of whom are identified only through aliases, are Pakistani.[101] Two more suspects arrested in the United States in October 2009 for other attacks were also found to have been involved in planning the Mumbai attacks.[102][103] One of these men, Pakistani American David Headley, was found to have made several trips to India before the attacks and gathered video and GPS information on behalf of the plotters. In April 2011, the United States issued arrest warrants for four Pakistani men as suspects in the attack. The men, Sajid Mir, Abu Qahafa, Mazhar Iqbal alias "Major Iqbal", are believed to be members of Lashkar-e-Taiba and helped plan and train the attackers Negotiations with Pakistan Pakistan initially denied that Pakistanis were responsible for the attacks, blaming plotters in Bangladesh and Indian criminals,[105] a claim refuted by India,[106] and saying they needed information from India on other bombings first.[107] Pakistani authorities finally agreed that Ajmal Kasab was a Pakistani on 7 January 2009,[25][108][109] and registered a case against three other Pakistani nationals.[110] The Indian government supplied evidence to Pakistan and other governments, in the form of interrogations, weapons, and call records of conversations during the attacks.[111][112] In addition, Indian government officials said that the attacks were so sophisticated that they must have had official backing from Pakistani "agencies", an accusation denied by Pakistan.[98][108] Under US and UN pressure, Pakistan arrested a few members of Jamaat ud-Dawa and briefly put its founder under house arrest, but he was found to be free a few days later.[113] A year after the attacks, Mumbai police continued to complain that Pakistani authorities were not cooperating by providing information for their investigation.[114] Meanwhile, journalists in Pakistan said security agencies were preventing them from interviewing people from Kasab's village.[115][116] Home Minister P. Chidambaram said the Pakistani authorities had not shared any information about American suspects Headley and Rana, but that the FBI had been more forthcoming.[117] An Indian report, summarising intelligence gained from India's interrogation of David Headley,[118] was released in October 2010. It alleged that Pakistan's intelligence agency (ISI) had provided support for the attacks by providing funding for reconnaissance missions in Mumbai.[119] The report included Headley's claim that Lashkar-e-Taiba's chief military commander, Zaki-ur-Rahman Lakhvi, had close ties to the ISI.[118] He alleged that "every big action of LeT IS done IN close coordination with [the According to investigations, the attackers travelled BY sea FROM Karachi, Pakistan, across the Arabian Sea, hijacked the Indian fishing trawler 'Kuber', killed the crew of four, THEN forced the captain to sail to Mumbai. After murdering the captain, the attackers entered Mumbai ON a rubber dinghy. The captain of 'Kuber', Amar Singh Solanki, had earlier been imprisoned for six months IN a Pakistani jail for illegally fishing IN Pakistani waters.[120] The attackers stayed AND were trained BY the Lashkar-e-Taiba IN a safehouse at Azizabad near Karachi before boarding a small boat for Mumbai.[121] David Headley was a member of Lashkar-e-Taiba, AND BETWEEN 2002 AND 2009 Headley travelled extensively AS part of his work for LeT. Headley received training IN small arms AND countersurveillance FROM LeT, built a network of connections for the GROUP, AND was chief scout IN scoping out targets for Mumbai attack[122][123] HAVING allegedly been given $25, 000 IN cash IN 2006 BY an ISI officer known AS Major Iqbal, The officer also helped him arrange a communications system for the attack, AND oversaw a model of the Taj Mahal Hotel so that gunmen could know their way inside the target, according to Headley's testimony to Indian authorities. Headley also helped ISI recruit Indian agents to monitor Indian troop levels and movements, according to a US official. At the same time, Headley was also an informant for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, and Headley's wives warned American officials of Headley's involvement with LeT and his plotting attacks, warning specifically that the Taj Mahal Hotel may be their target.[122] US officials believed that the Inter-Services Intelligence (I.S.I.) officers provided support to Lashkar-e-Taiba militants who carried out the attacks.[124] The arrest of Zabiuddin Ansari alias Abu Hamza in June 2012 provided further clarity on how the plot was hatched. According to Abu Hamza, the attacks were previously scheduled for 2006, using Indian youth for the job. However, a huge cache of AK-47's AND RDX, which were to be used for the attacks, was recovered FROM Aurangabad IN 2006, thus leading to the dismantling of the original plot. Subsequently, Abu Hamza fled to Pakistan AND along with Lashkar commanders, scouted for Pakistani youth to be used for the attacks. IN September 2007, 10 people were selected for the mission. IN September 2008, these people tried sailing to Mumbai FROM Karachi, but couldn't complete their mission due to choppy waters. These men made a second attempt in November 2008, and successfully managed to execute the final attacks. David Headley's disclosures, that three Pakistani army officers were associated with the planning AND execution of the attack were substantiated BY Ansari's revelations during his interrogation.[125][126] After Ansari's arrest, Pakistan's Foreign Office claimed they had received information that up to 40 Indian nationals were involved in the attacks.[127] Method The attackers had planned the attack several months ahead of time and knew some areas well enough to vanish and reappear after security forces had left. Several sources have quoted Kasab telling the police that the group received help from Mumbai residents.[128][129] The attackers used at least three SIM cards purchased on the Indian side of the border with Bangladesh.[130] There were also reports of a SIM card purchased in the US state New Jersey, if this is the case, then this would go back to Iraqi Intelligence Services and Al Qaeda from 9-11 and Lashkar or Jemmah Ismaliyah and Egyptian Islamic Jihad involvement through Pakistani ISI who had connections with Iraqi Intelligence from Saddam Hussein's old network of militants.[131] Police had also mentioned that Faheem Ansari, an Indian Lashkar operative who had been arrested IN February 2008, had scouted the Mumbai targets for the November attacks.[132] Later, the police arrested two Indian suspects, Mikhtar Ahmad, who IS FROM Srinagar IN Kashmir, AND Tausif Rehman, a resident of Kolkata. They supplied the SIM cards, one IN Calcutta, AND the other IN New Delhi.[133] Type 86 Grenades made BY China's state-owned Norinco were used in the attacks.[134] Blood tests on the attackers indicate that they had taken cocaine and LSD during the attacks, to sustain their energy and stay awake for 50 hours.[citation needed] Police say that they found syringes on the scenes of the attacks. There were also indications that they had been taking steroids.[135] The gunman who survived said that the attackers had used Google Earth to familiarise themselves with the locations of buildings used in the attacks.[136] There were 10 gunmen, nine of whom were subsequently shot dead and one captured by security forces.[137][138] Witnesses reported that they seemed to be in their early twenties, wore black T-shirts and jeans, and that they smiled and looked happy as they shot their victims.[139] It was initially reported that some of the attackers were British citizens,[140][141] but the Indian government later stated that there was no evidence to confirm this.[142] Similarly, early reports of 12 gunmen[143] were also later shown to be incorrect.[111] On 9 December, the 10 attackers were identified by Mumbai police, along with their home towns in Pakistan: Ajmal Amir from Faridkot, Abu Ismail Dera Ismail Khan from Dera Ismail Khan, Hafiz Arshad and Babr Imran from Multan, Javed from Okara, Shoaib from Narowal, Nazih and Nasr from Faisalabad, Abdul Rahman from Arifwalla, and Fahad Ullah from Dipalpur Taluka. Dera Ismail Khan is in the North-West Frontier Province; the rest of the towns are in Pakistani Punjab.[144] On 6 April 2010, the Home Minister of Maharashtra State, which includes Mumbai, informed the Assembly that the bodies of the nine killed Pakistani gunmen from the 2008 attack on Mumbai were buried in a secret location in January 2010. The bodies had been in the mortuary of a Mumbai hospital after Muslim clerics in the city refused to let them be buried on their grounds.[145] Attackers Only one of the 10 attackers, Ajmal Kasab, survived the attack. He was hanged in Yerwada jail in 2012.[146] Killed during the onslaught were: 1. Abdul Rehman 2. Abdul Rahman Chhota 3. Abu Ali 4. Fahad Ullah 5. Ismail Khan 6. Babar Imran 7. Abu Umar 8. Abu Sohrab 9. Shoaib alias Soheb Arrests Main articles: Ajmal Kasab and Zabiuddin Ansari Ajmal Kasab was the only attacker arrested alive by police.[147] Much of the information about the attackers' preparation, travel, AND movements comes FROM his confessions to the Mumbai police.[148] ON 12 February 2009 Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik said that Pakistani national Javed Iqbal, who acquired VoIP phones in Spain for the Mumbai attackers, and Hamad Ameen Sadiq, who had facilitated money transfer for the attack, had been arrested.[110] Two other men known as Khan and Riaz, but whose full names were not given, were also arrested.[149] Two Pakistanis were arrested in Brescia, Italy (East of Milan), on 21 November 2009, after being accused of providing logistical support to the attacks and transferring more than US$200 to Internet accounts using a false ID.[150][151] They had Red Corner Notices issued against them by Interpol for their suspected involvement and it was issued after the last year's strikes.[152] IN October 2009, two Chicago men were arrested AND charged BY the FBI for involvement IN "terrorism" abroad, David Coleman Headley AND Tahawwur Hussain Rana. Headley, a Pakistani-American, was charged IN November 2009 with scouting locations for the 2008 Mumbai attacks.[153][154] Headley IS reported to have posed AS an American Jew AND IS believed to have links with militant Islamist groups based IN Bangladesh.[155] ON 18 March 2010, Headley pled guilty to a dozen charges against him thereby avoiding going to trial. IN December 2009, the FBI charged Abdur Rehman Hashim Syed, a retired Major IN the Pakistani army, for planning the attacks IN association with Headley.[156] ON 15 January 2010, IN a successful snatch operation R&AW agents nabbed Sheikh Abdul Khwaja, one of the handlers of the 26/11 attacks, chief of HuJI India operations AND a most wanted suspect IN India, FROM Colombo, Sri Lanka, AND brought him OVER to Hyderabad, India for formal arrest.[157] ON 25 June 2012, the Delhi Police arrested Zabiuddin Ansari alias Abu Hamza, one of the key suspects IN the attack at the Indira Gandhi International Airport IN New Delhi. His arrest was touted AS the most significant development IN the CASE since Kasab's arrest.[158] Security agencies had been chasing him for three years in Delhi. Ansari is a Lashker-e-Taiba ultra and the Hindi tutor of the 10 attackers who were responsible for the Mumbai attacks in 2008.[159][160] He was apprehended, after he was arrested and deported to India by Saudi Intelligence officials as per official request by Indian authorities.[161] After Ansari's arrest, investigations revealed that IN 2009 he allegedly stayed for a day IN a room IN Old Legislators's Hostel, belonging to Fauzia Khan, a former MLA and minister in Maharashtra Government. The minister, however, denied having any links with him. Home Minister P. Chidambaram, asserted that Ansari was provided a safe place in Pakistan and was present in the control room, which could not have been established without active State support. Ansari's interrogation further revealed that Sajid Mir AND a Pakistani Army major visited India under fake names AS cricket spectators to survey targets IN Delhi AND Mumbai for about a fortnight.[162][163][164] Casualties AND compensation Main article: Casualties of the 2008 Mumbai attacks At least 164 victims (civilians AND security personnel) AND nine attackers were killed IN the attacks. Among the dead were 28 foreign nationals FROM 10 countries.[2][66][165][166][167] One attacker was captured.[168] The bodies of many of the dead hostages showed signs of torture OR disfigurement.[169] A number of those killed were notable figures IN business, media, AND security services.[170][171][172] The government of Maharashtra announced about ₹500000 (US$7, 500) AS compensation to the kin of EACH of those killed IN the terror attacks AND about ₹50000 (US$750) to the seriously injured.[173] IN August 2009, Indian Hotels Company AND the Oberoi GROUP received about $28 million USD AS part-payment of the insurance claims, ON account of the attacks ON Taj Mahal AND Trident, FROM General Insurance Corporation of India.[174] Aftermath Main article: Aftermath of the 2008 Mumbai attacks The attacks are sometimes referred to IN India AS "26/11", after the date IN 2008 that the attacks began, IN similar style to the 9/11 attacks IN the United States, the 11-M attack IN Madrid, Spain, AND the 7/7 bombings IN London, United Kingdom. The Pradhan Inquiry Commission, appointed BY the Maharashtra government, produced a report that was tabled before the legislative assembly more than a year after the events. The report said the "war-like" attack was beyond the capacity to respond of any police force, but also found fault with the Mumbai Police Commissioner Hasan Gafoor's lack of leadership during the crisis.[175] The Maharashtra government planned to buy 36 speed boats to patrol the coastal areas and several helicopters for the same purpose. It also planned to create an anti-terror force called "Force One" and upgrade all the weapons that Mumbai police currently have.[176] Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on an all-party conference declared that legal framework would be strengthened in the battle against "terrorism" and a federal anti-terrorist intelligence and investigation agency, like the FBI, will be set up soon to coordinate action against "terrorism."[177] The government strengthened anti-terror laws with UAPA 2008, and the federal National Investigation Agency was formed. The attacks further strained India's slowly recovering relationship with Pakistan. India's then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee (presently President of India) declared that India may indulge in military strikes against terror camps in Pakistan to protect its territorial integrity. There were also after-effects on the United States's relationships with both countries, [178] the US-led NATO war IN Afghanistan, [179] AND ON the Global War ON Terror.[180] FBI chief Robert Mueller praised the "unprecedented cooperation" BETWEEN American AND Indian intelligence agencies OVER the Mumbai terror attack probe.[181] However, Interpol secretary general Ronald Noble said that Indian intelligence agencies did NOT share any information with them (Interpol).[182] A new National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) was proposed to be set up BY the THEN Home Minister P. chidambaram AS an office to collect, collate, summarise, integrate, analyse, coordinate AND report all information AND inputs received FROM various intelligence agencies, state police departments, AND other ministries AND their departments. Movement of troops Pakistan moved troops towards the border with India voicing concerns about the Indian government's possible plans to launch attacks on Pakistani soil if it did not cooperate. After days of talks, the Pakistan government, however, decided to start moving troops away from the border.[183] Reactions Main article: Reactions to the 2008 Mumbai attacks Candlelight vigils at the Gateway of India in Mumbai Indians criticised their political leaders after the attacks, saying that their ineptness was partly responsible. The Times of India commented on its front page that "Our politicians fiddle as innocents die."[184] Political reactions in Mumbai and India included a range of resignations and political changes, including the resignations of Minister for Home Affairs Shivraj Patil,[185] Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh[186] and deputy chief minister R. R. Patil[187] for controversial reactions to the attack including taking the former's son AND Bollywood director Ram Gopal Verma to tour the damaged Taj Mahal AND the latters remarks that the attacks were NOT a big deal IN such a large city. Prominent Muslim personalities such AS Bollywood actor Aamir Khan appealed to their community members IN the country to observe Eid al-Adha AS a day of mourning ON 9 December.[188] The business establishment also reacted, with changes to transport, AND requests for an increase IN self-defence capabilities.[189] The attacks also triggered a chain of citizens' movements across India such as the India Today Group's "War Against Terror" campaign. There were vigils held across all of India with candles AND placards commemorating the victims of the attacks.[190] The NSG commandos based IN Delhi also met criticism for taking 10 hours to reach the 3 sites under attack International reaction for the attacks was widespread, with many countries AND international organisations condemning the attacks AND expressing their condolences to the civilian victims. Many important personalities around the world also condemned the attacks.[193] Media coverage highlighted the use of social media AND Internet social networking tools, including Twitter AND Flickr, IN spreading information about the attacks. IN addition, many Indian bloggers AND Wikipedia offered live textual coverage of the attacks.[194] A map of the attacks was set up BY a web journalist using Google Maps.[195][196] The New York Times, IN July 2009, described the event AS "what may be the most well-documented terrorist attack anywhere."[197] IN November 2010, families of American victims of the attacks filed a lawsuit IN Brooklyn, New York, naming Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, chief of the I.S.I., AS being complicit IN the Mumbai attacks. ON 22 September 2011, the attack ON the American Embassy IN Afghanistan, was attributed to Pakistan via cell phone records identical to the attacks IN Mumbai, also linked to Pakistan. The investigation IS ON-going.[124] Trials Kasab's trial Kasab's trial was delayed due to legal issues, AS many Indian lawyers were unwilling to represent him. A Mumbai Bar Association passed a resolution proclaiming that none of its members would represent Kasab. However, the Chief Justice of India stated that Kasab needed a lawyer for a fair trial. A lawyer for Kasab was eventually found, but was replaced due to a conflict of interest. ON 25 February 2009, Indian investigators filed an 11, 000-page chargesheet, formally charging Kasab with murder, conspiracy, AND waging war against India among other charges. Kasab's trial began on 6 May 2009. He initially pleaded not guilty, but later admitted his guilt on 20 July 2009. He initially apologised for the attacks and claimed that he deserved the death penalty for his crimes, but later retracted these claims, saying that he had been tortured by police to force his confession, and that he had been arrested while roaming the beach. The court had accepted his plea, but due to the lack of completeness within his admittance, the judge had deemed that many of the 86 charges were not addressed and therefore the trial continued. Kasab was convicted of all 86 charges on 3 May 2010. He was found guilty of murder for directly killing seven people, conspiracy to commit murder for the deaths of the 164 people killed in the three-day terror siege, waging war against India, causing terror, and of conspiracy to murder two high-ranking police officers. On 6 May 2010, he was sentenced to death by hanging.[198] [199] [200][201] However, he appealed his sentence at high court. On 21 February 2011, the Bombay High Court upheld the death sentence of Kasab, dismissing his appeal.[202] On 29 August 2012, the Indian Supreme Court upheld the death sentence for Kasab. The court stated, "We are left with no option but to award death penalty. The primary and foremost offence committed by Kasab is waging war against the Government of India.”[203] The verdict followed 10 weeks of appeal hearings, and was decided by a two-judge Supreme Court panel, which was led by Judge Aftab Alam. The panel rejected arguments that Kasab was denied a free and fair trial.[204] Kasab filed a mercy petition with the President of India, which was rejected on 5 November . Kasab was hanged in Pune's Yerwada jail IN secret ON 21 November 2012 at 7:30 am AND naming the operation AS operation 'X'. The Indian mission IN Islamabad informed the Pakistan government about Kasab's hanging through letter. Pakistan refused to take the letter, which was then faxed to them. His family in Pakistan was sent news of his hanging via a courier.[205] Trials in Pakistan Indian and Pakistani police have exchanged DNA evidence, photographs and items found with the attackers to piece together a detailed portrait of the Mumbai plot. Police in Pakistan have arrested seven people, including Hammad Amin Sadiq, a homoeopathic pharmacist, who arranged bank accounts and secured supplies. Sadiq and six others begin their formal trial on 3 October 2009 in Pakistan, though Indian authorities say the prosecution stops well short of top Lashkar leaders.[206] In November 2009, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that Pakistan has not done enough to bring the perpetrators of the attacks to justice.[207] On the eve of the first anniversary of 26/11, a Pakistani anti-terror court formally charged seven accused, including LeT operations commander Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi. However the actual trial started on 5 May 2012. The Pakistani court conducting trial of Mumbai attacks accused, reserved its judgement on the application filed by Lakhvi, challenging the report of the judicial panel, to 17 July 2012.[208] On 17 July 2012, the court refused to take the findings of the Pakistani judicial commission as part of the evidence. It however, ruled that if a new agreement that allows panel's examination of witnesses, IS reached, the prosecution may move an application for sending the panel to Mumbai.[209] The Indian Government upset OVER the court ruling, however, contended that evidence collected BY the Pakistani judicial panel has evidential value to punish all those involved IN the attack.[210] ON 21-September-2013, a Pakistani judicial commission arrived IN India to carry out the investigation AND to CROSS examine the witnesses. This IS the second such visit, the one IN March 2012 was NOT a success[211] AS its report was rejected BY an anti-terrorism court IN Pakistan due to lack of evidence. Trials IN the United States The LeT operative David Headley (born Daood Sayed Gilani) IN his testimony before a Chicago federal court during co-accused Tahawwur Rana's trial revealed that Mumbai Chabad House was added to the list of targets for surveillance given by his Inter Services Intelligence handler Major Iqbal, though the Oberoi hotel, one of the sites attacked, was not originally on the list.[212] On 10 June 2011, Tahawwur Rana was acquitted of plotting the 2008 Mumbai attacks, but was held guilty on two other charges.[213] He was sentenced to 14 years in federal prison on 17 January 2013.[214] David Headley pleaded guilty to 12 counts related to the attacks, including conspiracy to commit murder in India and aiding and abetting in the murder of six Americans. On 23 January 2013, he was sentenced to 35 years in federal prison. His plea that he not be extradited to India, Pakistan or Denmark was accepted.[215] Display resolution The display resolution or display modes of a digital television, computer monitor or display device is the number of distinct pixels in each dimension that can be displayed. It can be an ambiguous term especially as the displayed resolution is controlled by different factors in cathode ray tube (CRT), flat-panel display which includes liquid-crystal displays, or projection displays using fixed picture-element (pixel) arrays. It is usually quoted as width × height, with the units in pixels: for example, "1024 × 768" means the width is 1024 pixels and the height is 768 pixels. This example would normally be spoken as "ten twenty-four by seven sixty-eight" or "ten twenty-four by seven six eight". One use of the term "display resolution" applies to fixed-pixel-array displays such as plasma display panels (PDPs), liquid-crystal displays (LCDs), digital light processing (DLP) projectors, or similar technologies, and is simply the physical number of columns and rows of pixels creating the display (e.g. 1920 × 1080). A consequence of having a fixed-grid display is that, for multi-format video inputs, all displays need a "scaling engine" (a digital video processor that includes a memory array) to match the incoming picture format to the display. Note that for broadcast television standards the use of the word resolution here is a misnomer, though common. The term "display resolution" is usually used to mean pixel dimensions, the number of pixels in each dimension (e.g. 1920 × 1080), which does not tell anything about the pixel density of the display on which the image is actually formed: broadcast television resolution properly refers to the pixel density, the number of pixels per unit distance or area, not total number of pixels. In digital measurement, the display resolution would be given in pixels per inch. In analog measurement, if the screen is 10 inches high, then the horizontal resolution is measured across a square 10 inches wide. This is typically stated as "lines horizontal resolution, per picture height;"[1] for example, analog NTSC TVs can typically display about 340 lines of "per picture height" horizontal resolution from over-the-air sources, which is equivalent to about 440 total lines of actual picture information from left edge to right edge. Considerations 1080p progressive scan HDTV, which uses a 16:9 ratio Some commentators also use display resolution to indicate a range of input formats that the display's input electronics will accept AND often include formats greater than the screen's native grid size even though they have to be down-scaled to match the screen's parameters (e.g. accepting a 1920 × 1080 input ON a display with a native 1366 × 768 pixel array). IN the CASE of television inputs, many manufacturers will take the input AND zoom it out to "overscan" the display BY AS much AS 5% so input resolution IS NOT necessarily display resolution. The eye's perception of display resolution can be affected by a number of factors – see image resolution and optical resolution. One factor is the display screen's rectangular shape, which IS expressed AS the ratio of the physical picture width to the physical picture height. This IS known AS the aspect ratio. A screen's physical aspect ratio and the individual pixels' aspect ratio may NOT necessarily be the same. An array of 1280 × 720 ON a 16:9 display has square pixels, but an array of 1024 × 768 ON a 16:9 display has oblong pixels. An example of pixel shape affecting "resolution" OR perceived sharpness: displaying more information IN a smaller area using a higher resolution makes the image much clearer OR "sharper". However, most recent screen technologies are fixed at a certain resolution; making the resolution lower ON these kinds of screens will greatly decrease sharpness, AS an interpolation process IS used to "fix" the non-native resolution input into the display's native resolution output. While some CRT-based displays may use digital video processing that involves image scaling using memory arrays, ultimately "display resolution" in CRT-type displays is affected by different parameters such as spot size and focus, astigmatic effects in the display corners, the color phosphor pitch shadow mask (such as Trinitron) in color displays, and the video bandwidth. Notes The Steam user statistics were gathered from users of the Steam network in its hardware survey of May 2015.[9] The web user statistics were gathered from visitors to three million websites, normalised to counteract geolocational bias. Covers the four-month period from January to April 2014.[10] The numbers are not representative of computer users in general. When a computer display resolution is set higher than the physical screen resolution (native resolution), some video drivers make the virtual screen scrollable over the physical screen thus realizing a two dimensional virtual desktop with its viewport. Most LCD manufacturers do make note of the panel's native resolution AS working IN a non-native resolution ON LCDs will result IN a poorer image, due to dropping of pixels to make the image fit (WHEN using DVI) OR insufficient sampling of the analog signal (WHEN using VGA connector). Few CRT manufacturers will quote the TRUE native resolution, because CRTs are analog IN nature AND can vary their display FROM AS low AS 320 × 200 (emulation of older computers OR game consoles) to AS high AS the internal board will allow, OR the image becomes too detailed for the vacuum tube to recreate (i.e., analog blur). Thus, CRTs provide a variability IN resolution that fixed resolution LCDs cannot provide. IN recent years the 16:9 aspect ratio has become more common IN notebook displays. 1366 × 768 (HD) has become popular for most notebook sizes, while 1600 × 900 (HD+) AND 1920 × 1080 (FHD) are available for larger notebooks. AS far AS digital cinematography IS concerned, video resolution standards depend first ON the frames' aspect ratio in the film stock (which is usually scanned for digital intermediate post-production) and then on the actual points' COUNT. Although there IS NOT a unique set of standardized sizes, it IS commonplace WITHIN the motion picture industry to refer to "nK" image "quality", WHERE n IS a (small, usually even) integer number which translates into a set of actual resolutions, depending ON the film format. AS a reference consider that, for a 4:3 (around 1.33:1) aspect ratio which a film frame (no matter what IS its format) IS expected to horizontally fit IN, n IS the multiplier of 1024 such that the horizontal resolution IS exactly 1024•n points. For example, 2K reference resolution IS 2048 × 1536 pixels, whereas 4K reference resolution IS 4096 × 3072 pixels. Nevertheless, 2K may also refer to resolutions LIKE 2048 × 1556 (FULL-aperture), 2048 × 1152 (HDTV, 16:9 aspect ratio) OR 2048 × 872 pixels (Cinemascope, 2.35:1 aspect ratio). It IS also worth noting that while a frame resolution may be, for example, 3:2 (720 × 480 NTSC), that IS NOT what you will see ON-screen (i.e. 4:3 OR 16:9 depending ON the orientation of the rectangular pixels) Evolution of standards IN this image of a Commodore 64 startup screen, the blue borders IN the overscan region[clarify] would have been barely visible. A 640 × 200 display AS produced BY a monitor (left) AND television. Many personal computers introduced IN the late 1970s AND the 1980s were designed to use television receivers AS their display devices, making the resolutions dependent ON the television standards IN use, including PAL AND NTSC. Picture sizes were usually limited to ensure the visibility of all the pixels IN the major television standards AND the broad range of television sets with varying amounts of OVER scan. The actual drawable picture area was, therefore, somewhat smaller than the whole screen, AND was usually surrounded BY a static-colored border (see image to right). Also, the interlace scanning was usually omitted IN ORDER to provide more stability to the picture, effectively halving the vertical resolution IN progress. 160 × 200, 320 × 200 AND 640 × 200 ON NTSC were relatively common resolutions IN the era (224, 240 OR 256 scanlines were also common). IN the IBM PC world, these resolutions came to be used BY 16-color EGA video cards. One of the drawbacks of using a classic television IS that the computer display resolution IS higher than the television could decode. Chroma resolution for NTSC/PAL televisions are bandwidth-limited to a maximum 1.5 megahertz, OR approximately 160 pixels wide, which led to blurring of the color for 320- OR 640-wide signals, AND made text difficult to read (see second image to right). Many users upgraded to higher-quality televisions with S-Video OR RGBI inputs that helped eliminate chroma blur AND produce more legible displays. The earliest, lowest cost solution to the chroma problem was offered IN the Atari 2600 Video Computer System AND the Apple II+, both of which offered the option to disable the color AND view a legacy black-AND-white signal. ON the Commodore 64, the GEOS mirrored the Mac OS method of using black-AND-white to improve readability. A 4096-color HAM interlaced image produced BY an Amiga (1989) 16-color (top) AND 256-color (bottom) progressive images FROM a 1980s VGA card. Dithering IS used to overcome color limitations. The 640 × 400i resolution (720 × 480i with borders disabled) was first introduced BY home computers such AS the Commodore Amiga AND, later, Atari Falcon. These computers used interlace to boost the maximum vertical resolution. These modes were only suited to graphics OR gaming, AS the flickering interlace made reading text IN word processor, database, OR spreadsheet software difficult. (Modern game consoles solve this problem BY pre-filtering the 480i video to a lower resolution. For example, Final Fantasy XII suffers FROM flicker WHEN the filter IS turned off, but stabilizes once filtering IS restored. The computers of the 1980s lacked sufficient power to run similar filtering software.) The advantage of a 720 × 480i overscanned computer was an easy interface with interlaced TV production, leading to the development of Newtek's Video Toaster. This device allowed Amigas to be used for CGI creation in various news departments (example: weather overlays), drama programs such as NBC's seaQuest, WB's Babylon 5, and early computer-generated animation by Disney for The Little Mermaid, Beauty and the Beast, and Aladdin. In the PC world, the IBM PS/2 VGA (multi-color) on-board graphics chips used a non-interlaced (progressive) 640 × 480 × 16 color resolution that was easier to read and thus more useful for office work. It was the standard resolution from 1990 to around 1996.[citation needed] The standard resolution was 800x600 until around 2000. Microsoft Windows XP, released in 2001, was designed to run at 800 × 600 minimum, although it is possible to select the original 640 × 480 in the Advanced Settings window. Programs designed to mimic older hardware such as Atari, Sega, or Nintendo game consoles (emulators) when attached to multiscan CRTs, routinely use much lower resolutions, such as 160 × 200 or 320 × 400 for greater authenticity, though other emulators have taken advantage of pixelation recognition on circle, square, triangle and other geometric features on a lesser resolution for a more scaled vector rendering. Notes Errors: Encountered " "Digitizing "" at line 1, column 3. Was expecting: Job ID: vast-dock-106312:job_Qy_ODhWYHlOsuFq63vyPG1VuhT0 Start Time: Sep 10, 2015, 2:25:58 PM End Time: Sep 10, 2015, 2:25:58 PM Edit Query Run Query Save Query Save View Sep 10 Edit Query Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing or digitization[1] is the representation of an object, image, sound, document or a signal (usually an analog signal) by a discrete set of its points or samples. The result is called digital representation or, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, and digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal in digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image or capture the "corners" where the lines end or change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] as it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are converted into a single binary cod... Query Text: Digitizing "Digitizer" redirects here. This article covers the general concept of digitization. For other Digitizing or digitization[1] is the representation of an object, image, sound, document or a signal (usually an analog signal) by a discrete set of its points or samples. The result is called digital representation or, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, and digital form, for the signal. Strictly speaking, digitizing means simply capturing an analog signal in digital form. For a document the term means to trace the document image or capture the "corners" where the lines end or change direction. McQuail identifies the process of digitization has immense significance to the computing ideals[which?] as it "allows information of all kinds in all formats to be carried with the same efficiency and also intermingled Process The term digitization is often used when diverse forms of information, such as text, sound, image or voice, are converted into a single binary code. Digital information exists as one of two digits, either 0 or 1. These are known as bits (a contraction of binary digits) and the sequences of 0s and 1s that constitute information are called bytes.[3] Analog signals are continuously variable, both in the number of possible values of the signal at a given time, as well as in the number of points in the signal in a given period of time. However, digital signals are discrete in both of those respects – generally a finite sequence of integers – therefore a digitization can, in practical terms, only ever be an approximation of the signal it represents. Digitization occurs in two parts: Discretization The reading of an analog signal A, and, at regular time intervals (frequency), sampling the value of the signal at the point. Each such reading is called a sample and may be considered to have infinite precision at this stage; Quantization Samples are rounded to a fixed set of numbers (such as integers), a process known as quantization. In general, these can occur at the same time, though they are conceptually distinct. A series of digital integers can be transformed into an analog output that approximates the original analog signal. Such a transformation is called a DA conversion. The sampling rate and the number of bits used to represent the integers combine to determine how close such an approximation to the analog signal a digitization will be. ExampleThe term is often used to describe the scanning of analog sources (such as printed photos or taped videos) into computers for editing, but it also can refer to audio (where sampling rate is often measured in kilohertz) and texture map transformations. In this last case, as in normal photos, sampling rate refers to the resolution of the image, often measured in pixels per inch. Digitizing is the primary way of storing images in a form suitable for transmission and computer processing, whether scanned from two-dimensional analog originals or captured using an image sensor-equipped device such as a digital camera, tomographical instrument such as a CAT scanner, or acquiring precise dimensions from a real-world object, such as a car, using a 3D scanning device.[4] Digitizing is central to making a digital representations of geographical features, using raster or vector images, in a geographic information system, i.e., the creation of electronic maps, either from various geographical and satellite imaging (raster) or by digitizing traditional paper maps or graphs[5][6] (vector). "Digitization" is also used to describe the process of populating databases with files or data. While this usage is technically inaccurate, it originates with the previously proper use of the term to describe that part of the process involving digitization of analog sources, such as printed pictures and brochures, before uploading to target databases. Digitizing may also used in the field of apparel, where an image may be recreated with the help of embroidery digitizing software tools and saved as embroidery machine code. This machine code is fed into an embroidery machine and applied to the fabric. The most supported format is DST file. Apparel companies also digitize clothing patterns[ Analog signals to digital Analog signals are continuous electrical signals; digital signals are non-continuous. Analog signal can be converted to digital signal by ADC.[7] Nearly all recorded music has been digitized. About 12 percent of the 500,000+ movies listed on the Internet Movie Database are digitized on DVD.[citation needed] Handling of analog signal becomes easy [according to whom?] when it is digitized because the signal is digitized before modulation and transmission. The conversion process of analog to digital consists of two processes: sampling and quantizing. Digitization of personal multimedia such as home movies, slides, and photographs is a popular method of preserving and sharing older repositories. Slides and photographs may be scanned using an image scanner, but videos are more difficult.[8] Analog texts to digital About 5 percent of texts have been digitized as of 2006.[9] Older print books are being scanned and optical character recognition technologies applied by academic and public libraries, foundations, and private companies like Google.[10] Unpublished text documents on paper which have some enduring historical or research value are being digitized by libraries and archives, though frequently at a much slower rate than for books (see digital libraries). In many cases, archives have replaced microfilming with digitization as a means of preserving and providing access to unique documents. Implications This shift to digitization in the contemporary media world has created implications for traditional mass media products. However, these "limitations are still very unclear" (McQuail, 2000:28). The more technology advances, the more converged the realm of mass media will become with less need for traditional communication technologies. For example, the Internet has transformed many communication norms, creating more efficiency for not only individuals, but also for businesses. However, McQuail suggests traditional media have also benefited greatly from new media, allowing more effective and efficient resources available (2000:28). Collaborative projects There are many collaborative digitization projects throughout the United States. Two of the earliest projects were the Collaborative Digitization Project in Colorado and NC ECHO - North Carolina Exploring Cultural Heritage Online,[11] based at the State Library of North Carolina. These projects establish and publish best practices for digitization and work with regional partners to digitize cultural heritage materials. Additional criteria for best practice have more recently been established in the UK, Australia and the European Union.[12] Wisconsin Heritage Online[13] is a collaborative digitization project modeled after the Colorado Collaborative Digitization Project. Wisconsin uses a wiki[14] to build and distribute collaborative documentation. Georgia's collaborative digitization program, the Digital Library of Georgia,[15] presents a seamless virtual library on the state's history and life, including more than a hundred digital collections from 60 institutions and 100 agencies of government. The Digital Library of Georgia is a GALILEO[16] initiative based at the University of Georgia Libraries. In South-Asia Nanakshahi trust is digitizing manuscripts of Gurmukhīscript. Library preservation Main article: Digital preservation Digitization at the British Library of a Dunhuang manuscript for the International Dunhuang Project Digital preservation in its most basic form is a series of activities maintaining access to digital materials over time.[17] Digitization in this sense is a means of creating digital surrogates of analog materials such as books, newspapers, microfilm and videotapes. Digitization can provide a means of preserving the content of the materials by creating an accessible facsimile of the object in order to put less strain on already fragile originals. For sounds, digitization of legacy analogue recordings is essential insurance against technological obsolescence.[18] The prevalent Brittle Books[19] issue facing libraries across the world is being addressed with a digital solution for long term book preservation.[20] For centuries, books were printed on wood-pulp paper, which turns acidic as it decays. Deterioration may advance to a point where a book is completely unusable. In theory, if these widely circulated titles are not treated with de-acidification processes, the materials upon those acid pages will be lost forever. As digital technology evolves, it is increasingly preferred as a method of preserving these materials, mainly because it can provide easier access points and significantly reduce the need for physical storage space. Cambridge University Library is working on the Cambridge Digital Library, which will initially contain digitised versions of many of its most important works relating to science and religion. These include examples such as Isaac Newton's personally annotated first edition of his Philosophiæ Naturalis Principia Mathematica [21] as well as college notebooks[22][23] and other papers,[24] and some Islamic manuscripts such as a Quran[25] from Tipoo Sahib's library. Google, Inc. has taken steps towards attempting to digitize every title with "Google Book Search".[26][27] While some academic libraries have been contracted by the service, issues of copyright law violations threaten to derail the project.[28] However, it does provide - at the very least - an online consortium for libraries to exchange information and for researchers to search for titles as well as review the materials. Digitization versus digital preservation There is a common misconception that to digitize something is the same as digital preservation. To digitize something is to convert something from an analog into a digital format.[29] An example would be scanning a photograph and having a digital copy on a computer. This is essentially the first step in digital preservation. To digitally preserve something is to maintain it over a long period of time.[30] Digital preservation is more complicated because technology changes so quickly that a format that was used to save something years ago may become obsolete, like a 5 1/4” floppy drive. Computers are no longer made with them, and obtaining the hardware to convert a file from an obsolete format to a newer one can be expensive. As a result, the upgrading process must take place every 2 to 5 years,[31] or as newer technology becomes affordable, but before older technology becomes unobtainable. The Library of Congress provides numerous resources and tips for individuals looking to practice digitization and digital preservation for their personal collections.[32] Digital preservation can also apply to born-digital material. An example of something that is born-digital is a Microsoft Word document saved as a .docx file or a post to a social media site. In contrast, digitization only applies exclusively to analog materials. Born-digital materials present a unique challenge to digital preservation not only due to technological obsolescence but also because of the inherently unstable nature of digital storage and maintenance. Most websites last between 2.5 and 5 years, depending on the purpose for which they were designed.[33] Many libraries, archives, and museums, as well as other institutions struggle with catching up and staying current in regards to both digitization and digital preservation. Digitization is a time-consuming process, particularly depending on the condition of the holdings prior to being digitized. Some materials are so fragile that undergoing the process of digitization could damage them irreparably; light from a scanner can damage old photographs and documents. Despite potential damage, one reason for digitizing some materials is because they are so heavily used that digitization will help to preserve the original copy long past what its life would have been as a physical holding. Digitization can also be quite expensive. Institutions want the best image quality in digital copies so that when they are converted from one format to another over time only a high-quality copy is maintained. Smaller institutions may not be able to afford such equipment. Manpower at many facilities also limits how much material can be digitized. Archivists and librarians must have an idea of what their patrons wish to see most and try to prioritize and meet those needs digitally. Manpower and funding also limit digital preservation in many institutions. The cost of upgrading hardware or software every few years can be prohibitively expensive. Training is another issue, since many librarians and archivists do not have a computer science background. Intellectual control of digital holdings presents yet another issue which sometimes occurs when the physical holdings have not yet been entirely processed. One suggested timeframe for completely transcribing digital holdings was every ten to twenty years, making the process an ongoing and time-consuming one. Lean philosophy The broad use of internet and the increasing popularity of lean philosophy has also increased the use and meaning of "digitizing" to describe improvements in the efficiency of organizational processes. Lean philosophy refers to the approach which considers any use of time and resources, which does not lead directly to creating a product, as waste and therefore a target for elimination. This will often involve some kind of Lean process in order to simplify process activities, with the aim of implementing new "lean and mean" processes by digitizing data and activities. Digitization can help to eliminate time waste by introducing wider access to data, or by implementation of enterprise resource planning systems. Fiction Works of science-fiction often include the term digitize as the act of transforming people into digital signals and sending them into a computer. When that happens, the people disappear from the real world and appear in a computer world (as featured in the cult film Tron, the animated series Code: Lyoko, or the late 1980s live-action series Captain Power and the Soldiers of the Future). In the video game Beyond Good & Evil, the protagonist's holographic friend digitizes the player's inventory items. 2008 Mumbai attacks "26/11" redirects here. For the date, see November 26. 2008 Mumbai attacks Locations of the 2008 Mumbai attacks Location Mumbai, India • Leopold Café • Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus • Taj Mahal Palace Hotel • Oberoi Trident • Cama Hospital • Nariman House Coordinates 18.922125°N 72.832564°E Date 26 November 2008-29 November 2008 23:00 (26/11)-08:00 (29/11) (IST, UTC+05:30) Attack type Bombings, shootings, hostage crisis,[1] siege Deaths Approximately 164 (in addition to 10 attackers, including 1 attacker captured and later executed)[2] Non-fatal injuries 600+[2] Victims See casualty list for complete list Assailants Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi[3][4] Lashkar-e-Taiba[5][6][7] Number of participants 24–26 Defenders • National Security Guards[8][9] • MARCOS • Mumbai Police • Indian ATS • Mumbai Fire Brigade In November 2008, 10 Pakistani members of Lashkar-e-Taiba, an Islamic militant organisation, carried out a series of 12 coordinated shooting and bombing attacks lasting four days across Mumbai.[10][11][12] Ajmal Kasab, the only attacker who was captured alive, later confessed upon interrogation that the attacks were conducted with the support of the Pakistan government's intelligence agency, the ISI.[13][14] The attacks, which drew widespread global condemnation, began on Wednesday, 26 November and lasted until Saturday, 29 November 2008, killing 164 people and wounding at least 308.[2][15] Eight of the attacks occurred in South Mumbai: at Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, the Oberoi Trident,[16] the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower,[16] Leopold Cafe, Cama Hospital,[16] the Nariman House Jewish community centre,[17] the Metro Cinema,[18] and in a lane behind the Times of India building and St. Xavier's College.[16] There was also an explosion at Mazagaon, in Mumbai's port area, and in a taxi at Vile Parle.[19] By the early morning of 28 November, all sites except for the Taj hotel had been secured by Mumbai Police and security forces. On 29 November, India's National Security Guards (NSG) conducted 'Operation Black Tornado' to flush out the remaining attackers; it resulted in the deaths of the last remaining attackers at the Taj hotel and ending all fighting in the attacks.[20] Ajmal Kasab[21] disclosed that the attackers were members of Lashkar-e-Taiba,[22] among others.[23] The Government of India said that the attackers came from Pakistan, and their controllers were in Pakistan.[24] On 7 January 2009,[25] On 9 April, 2015; the foremost mastermind of the attacks Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi[26][27] was granted bail against surety bonds Background One of the bomb-damaged coaches at the Mahim station in Mumbai during the 11 July 2006 train bombings There have been many bombings in Mumbai since the 13 coordinated bomb explosions that killed 257 people and injured 700 on 12 March 1993.[30] The 1993 attacks are believed to have been in retaliation for the Babri Mosque demolition.[31] On 6 December 2002, a blast in a BEST bus near Ghatkopar station killed two people and injured 28.[32] The bombing occurred on the 10th anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya.[33] A bicycle bomb exploded near the Vile Parle station in Mumbai, killing one person and injuring 25 on 27 January 2003, a day before the visit of the Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee to the city.[34] On 13 March 2003, a day after the 10th anniversary of the 1993 Bombay bombings, a bomb exploded in a train compartment near the Mulund station, killing 10 people and injuring 70.[35] On 28 July 2003, a blast in a BEST bus in Ghatkopar killed 4 people and injured 32.[36] On 25 August 2003, two bombs exploded in South Mumbai, one near the Gateway of India and the other at Zaveri Bazaar in Kalbadevi. At least 44 people were killed and 150 injured.[37] On 11 July 2006, seven bombs exploded within 11 minutes on the Suburban Railway in Mumbai,[38] killing 209 people, including 22 foreigners[39][40][41] and more than 700 injured.[42][43] According to the Mumbai Police, the bombings were carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba and Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI).[44][45] Training A group of men, sometimes stated as 24, at other times 26[46] received training in marine warfare at a remote camp in mountainous Muzaffarabad, Azad Kashmir. Part of the training was reported to have taken place on the Mangla Dam reservoir.[47] The recruits went through the following stages of training, according to Indian and U.S. media reports: • Psychological: Indoctrination to Islamist ideas, including imagery of atrocities suffered by Muslims in India,[48] Chechnya, Palestine and across the globe. • Basic Combat: Lashkar's basic combat training and methodology course, the Daura Aam. • Advanced Training: Selected to undergo advanced combat training at a camp near Mansehra, a course the organisation calls the Daura Khaas.[48] According to an unnamed source at the US Defense Department this includes advanced weapons and explosives training supervised by retired personnel of the Pakistan Army,[49] along with survival training and further indoctrination. • Commando Training: Finally, an even smaller group selected for specialised commando tactics training and marine navigation training given to the Fedayeen unit selected in order to target Mumbai.[citation needed] From the students, 10 were handpicked for the Mumbai mission.[50] They also received training in swimming and sailing, besides the use of high-end weapons and explosives under the supervision of LeT commanders. According to a media report citing an unnamed former Defence Department Official of the US, the intelligence agencies of the US had determined that former officers from Pakistan's Army and Inter-Services Intelligence agency assisted actively and continuously in training.[51] They were given blueprints of all the four targets – Taj Mahal Palace & Tower, Oberoi Trident, Nariman House and Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus Attacks Main article: Timeline of the 2008 Mumbai attacks The first events were detailed around 20:00 Indian Standard Time (IST) on 26 November, when 10 men in inflatable speedboats came ashore at two locations in Colaba. They reportedly told local Marathi-speaking fishermen who asked them who they were to "mind their own business" before they split up and headed two different ways. The fishermen's subsequent report to police received little response and local police was helpless.[52] Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus The Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) was attacked by two gunmen, one of whom, Ajmal Kasab, was later caught alive by the police and identified by eyewitnesses. The attacks began around 21:30 when the two men entered the passenger hall and opened fire,[53] using AK-47 rifles.[54] The attackers killed 58 people and injured 104 others,[54] their assault ending at about 22:45.[53] Security forces and emergency services arrived shortly afterwards. Continuous announcements by a brave railway announcer, Vishnu Dattaram Zende, alerted passengers to leave the station and saved scores of lives.[55][56] The two gunmen fled the scene and fired at pedestrians and police officers in the streets, killing eight police officers. The attackers passed a police station. Many of the outgunned police officers were afraid to confront the attackers, and instead switched off the lights and secured the gates. The attackers then headed towards Cama Hospital with an intention to kill patients,[57] but the hospital staff locked all of the patient wards. A team of the Mumbai Anti-Terrorist Squad led by police chief Hemant Karkare searched the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus and then left in pursuit of Kasab and Khan. Kasab and Khan opened fire on the vehicle in a lane next to the hospital and the police returned fire. Karkare, Vijay Salaskar, Ashok Kamte and one of their officers were killed, though the only survivor, Constable Arun Jadhav, was wounded.[58] Kasab and Khan seized the police vehicle but later abandoned it and seized a passenger car instead. They then ran into a police roadblock, which had been set up after Jadhav radioed for help.[59] A gun battle then ensued in which Khan was killed and Kasab was wounded. After a physical struggle, Kasab was arrested.[60] A police officer, Tukaram Omble was also killed when he ran in front of Kasab to shoot him. The Leopold Cafe, a popular restaurant and bar on Colaba Causeway in South Mumbai, was one of the first sites to be attacked.[61] Two attackers opened fire on the cafe on the evening of 26 November, killing at least 10 people, (including some foreigners), and injuring many more.[62] Bomb blasts in taxis There were two explosions in taxis caused by timer bombs. The first one occurred at 22:40 at Vile Parle, killing the driver and a passenger. The second explosion took place at Wadi Bunder between 22:20 and 22:25. Three people, including the driver of the taxi were killed, and about 15 others were injured.[19][63] Taj Mahal Hotel and Oberoi Trident Two hotels, the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower and the Oberoi Trident, were among the four locations targeted. Six explosions were reported at the Taj hotel – one in the lobby, two in the elevators, three in the restaurant – and one at the Oberoi Trident.[64][65] At the Taj Mahal, firefighters rescued 200 hostages from windows using ladders during the first night. CNN initially reported on the morning of 27 November 2008 that the hostage situation at the Taj had been resolved and quoted the police chief of Maharashtra stating that all hostages were freed;[66] however, it was learned later that day that there were still two attackers holding hostages, including foreigners, in the Taj Mahal hotel.[67] The Wasabi restaurant on the first floor of the Taj Hotel was completely gutted. A number of European Parliament Committee on International Trade delegates were staying in the Taj Mahal hotel when it was attacked,[68] but none of them were injured.[69] British Conservative Member of the European Parliament (MEP) Sajjad Karim (who was in the lobby when attackers initially opened fire there) and German Social Democrat MEP Erika Mann were hiding in different parts of the building.[70] Also reported present was Spanish MEP Ignasi Guardans, who was barricaded in a hotel room.[71][72] Another British Conservative MEP, Syed Kamall, reported that he along with several other MEPs left the hotel and went to a nearby restaurant shortly before the attack.[70] Kamall also reported that Polish MEP Jan Masiel was thought to have been sleeping in his hotel room when the attacks started, but eventually left the hotel safely.[73] Kamall and Guardans reported that a Hungarian MEP's assistant was shot.[70][74] Also caught up in the shooting were the President of Madrid, Esperanza Aguirre, while checking in at the Oberoi Trident,[74] and Indian MP N. N. Krishnadas of Kerala and Gulam Noon while having dinner at a restaurant in the Taj hotel.[75][76] Nariman House Main article: Nariman House Front view of the Nariman House a week after the attacks Nariman House, a Chabad Lubavitch Jewish center in Colaba known as the Mumbai Chabad House, was taken over by two attackers and several residents were held hostage.[77] Police evacuated adjacent buildings and exchanged fire with the attackers, wounding one. Local residents were told to stay inside. The attackers threw a grenade into a nearby lane, causing no casualties. NSG commandos arrived from Delhi, and a naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. After a long battle, one NSG commando Havaldar Gajender Singh Bisht and both perpetrators were killed.[78][79] Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg and his wife Rivka Holtzberg, who was six months pregnant, were murdered with four other hostages inside the house by the attackers.[80] According to radio transmissions picked up by Indian intelligence, the attackers "would be told by their handlers in Pakistan that the lives of Jews were worth 50 times those of non-Jews." Injuries on some of the bodies indicated that they may have been tortured.[81][82] NSG raid NSG Commandos beginning the assault on Nariman House by fast-roping onto the terrace. During the attacks, both hotels were surrounded by Rapid Action Force personnel and Marine Commandos (MARCOS) and National Security Guards (NSG) commandos.[83][84] When reports emerged that attackers were receiving television broadcasts, feeds to the hotels were blocked.[85] Security forces stormed both hotels, and all nine attackers were killed by the morning of 29 November.[86][87] Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan of the NSG was killed during the rescue of Commando Sunil Yadav, who was hit in the leg by a bullet during the rescue operations at Taj.[88][89] 32 hostages were killed at the Oberoi Trident.[90] NSG commandos then took on the Nariman house, and a Naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. NSG Commando Havaldar Gajender Singh Bisht, who was part of the team that fast-roped onto Nariman House, died after a long battle in which both perpetrators were also killed.[78][79] Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg and his wife Rivka Holtzberg, who was six months pregnant, were murdered with four other hostages inside the house by the attackers.[80] By the morning of 27 November, the NSG had secured the Jewish outreach center at Nariman House as well as the Oberoi Trident hotel. They also incorrectly believed that the Taj Mahal Palace and Towers had been cleared of attackers, and soldiers were leading hostages and holed-up guests to safety, and removing bodies of those killed in the attacks.[91][92][93] However, later news reports indicated that there were still two or three attackers in the Taj, with explosions heard and gunfire exchanged.[93] Fires were also reported at the ground floor of the Taj with plumes of smoke arising from the first floor.[93] The final operation at the Taj Mahal Palace hotel was completed by the NSG commandos at 08:00 on 29 November, killing three attackers and resulting in the conclusion of the attacks.[94] The NSG rescued 250 people from the Oberoi, 300 from the Taj and 60 people (members of 12 different families) from Nariman House.[95] In addition, police seized a boat filled with arms and explosives anchored at Mazgaon dock off Mumbai harbour.[96] Attribution Main articles: Attribution of the 2008 Mumbai attacks and Erroneous reporting on the 2008 Mumbai attacks The Mumbai attacks were planned and directed by Lashkar-e-Taiba militants inside Pakistan, and carried out by 10 young armed men trained and sent to Mumbai and directed from inside Pakistan via mobile phones and VoIP.[23][97][98] In July 2009 Pakistani authorities confirmed that LeT plotted and financed the attacks from LeT camps in Karachi and Thatta.[99] In November 2009, Pakistani authorities charged seven men they had arrested earlier, of planning and executing the assault.[100] Mumbai police originally identified 37 suspects—including two army officers—for their alleged involvement in the plot. All but two of the suspects, many of whom are identified only through aliases, are Pakistani.[101] Two more suspects arrested in the United States in October 2009 for other attacks were also found to have been involved in planning the Mumbai attacks.[102][103] One of these men, Pakistani American David Headley, was found to have made several trips to India before the attacks and gathered video and GPS information on behalf of the plotters. In April 2011, the United States issued arrest warrants for four Pakistani men as suspects in the attack. The men, Sajid Mir, Abu Qahafa, Mazhar Iqbal alias "Major Iqbal", are believed to be members of Lashkar-e-Taiba and helped plan and train the attackers Negotiations with Pakistan Pakistan initially denied that Pakistanis were responsible for the attacks, blaming plotters in Bangladesh and Indian criminals,[105] a claim refuted by India,[106] and saying they needed information from India on other bombings first.[107] Pakistani authorities finally agreed that Ajmal Kasab was a Pakistani on 7 January 2009,[25][108][109] and registered a case against three other Pakistani nationals.[110] The Indian government supplied evidence to Pakistan and other governments, in the form of interrogations, weapons, and call records of conversations during the attacks.[111][112] In addition, Indian government officials said that the attacks were so sophisticated that they must have had official backing from Pakistani "agencies", an accusation denied by Pakistan.[98][108] Under US and UN pressure, Pakistan arrested a few members of Jamaat ud-Dawa and briefly put its founder under house arrest, but he was found to be free a few days later.[113] A year after the attacks, Mumbai police continued to complain that Pakistani authorities were not cooperating by providing information for their investigation.[114] Meanwhile, journalists in Pakistan said security agencies were preventing them from interviewing people from Kasab's village.[115][116] Home Minister P. Chidambaram said the Pakistani authorities had not shared any information about American suspects Headley and Rana, but that the FBI had been more forthcoming.[117] An Indian report, summarising intelligence gained from India's interrogation of David Headley,[118] was released in October 2010. It alleged that Pakistan's intelligence agency (ISI) had provided support for the attacks by providing funding for reconnaissance missions in Mumbai.[119] The report included Headley's claim that Lashkar-e-Taiba's chief military commander, Zaki-ur-Rahman Lakhvi, had close ties to the ISI.[118] He alleged that "every big action of LeT is done in close coordination with [the According to investigations, the attackers travelled by sea from Karachi, Pakistan, across the Arabian Sea, hijacked the Indian fishing trawler 'Kuber', killed the crew of four, then forced the captain to sail to Mumbai. After murdering the captain, the attackers entered Mumbai on a rubber dinghy. The captain of 'Kuber', Amar Singh Solanki, had earlier been imprisoned for six months in a Pakistani jail for illegally fishing in Pakistani waters.[120] The attackers stayed and were trained by the Lashkar-e-Taiba in a safehouse at Azizabad near Karachi before boarding a small boat for Mumbai.[121] David Headley was a member of Lashkar-e-Taiba, and between 2002 and 2009 Headley travelled extensively as part of his work for LeT. Headley received training in small arms and countersurveillance from LeT, built a network of connections for the group, and was chief scout in scoping out targets for Mumbai attack[122][123] having allegedly been given $25,000 in cash in 2006 by an ISI officer known as Major Iqbal, The officer also helped him arrange a communications system for the attack, and oversaw a model of the Taj Mahal Hotel so that gunmen could know their way inside the target, according to Headley's testimony to Indian authorities. Headley also helped ISI recruit Indian agents to monitor Indian troop levels and movements, according to a US official. At the same time, Headley was also an informant for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, and Headley's wives warned American officials of Headley's involvement with LeT and his plotting attacks, warning specifically that the Taj Mahal Hotel may be their target.[122] US officials believed that the Inter-Services Intelligence (I.S.I.) officers provided support to Lashkar-e-Taiba militants who carried out the attacks.[124] The arrest of Zabiuddin Ansari alias Abu Hamza in June 2012 provided further clarity on how the plot was hatched. According to Abu Hamza, the attacks were previously scheduled for 2006, using Indian youth for the job. However, a huge cache of AK-47's and RDX, which were to be used for the attacks, was recovered from Aurangabad in 2006, thus leading to the dismantling of the original plot. Subsequently, Abu Hamza fled to Pakistan and along with Lashkar commanders, scouted for Pakistani youth to be used for the attacks. In September 2007, 10 people were selected for the mission. In September 2008, these people tried sailing to Mumbai from Karachi, but couldn't complete their mission due to choppy waters. These men made a second attempt in November 2008, and successfully managed to execute the final attacks. David Headley's disclosures, that three Pakistani army officers were associated with the planning and execution of the attack were substantiated by Ansari's revelations during his interrogation.[125][126] After Ansari's arrest, Pakistan's Foreign Office claimed they had received information that up to 40 Indian nationals were involved in the attacks.[127] Method The attackers had planned the attack several months ahead of time and knew some areas well enough to vanish and reappear after security forces had left. Several sources have quoted Kasab telling the police that the group received help from Mumbai residents.[128][129] The attackers used at least three SIM cards purchased on the Indian side of the border with Bangladesh.[130] There were also reports of a SIM card purchased in the US state New Jersey, if this is the case, then this would go back to Iraqi Intelligence Services and Al Qaeda from 9-11 and Lashkar or Jemmah Ismaliyah and Egyptian Islamic Jihad involvement through Pakistani ISI who had connections with Iraqi Intelligence from Saddam Hussein's old network of militants.[131] Police had also mentioned that Faheem Ansari, an Indian Lashkar operative who had been arrested in February 2008, had scouted the Mumbai targets for the November attacks.[132] Later, the police arrested two Indian suspects, Mikhtar Ahmad, who is from Srinagar in Kashmir, and Tausif Rehman, a resident of Kolkata. They supplied the SIM cards, one in Calcutta, and the other in New Delhi.[133] Type 86 Grenades made by China's state-owned Norinco were used in the attacks.[134] Blood tests on the attackers indicate that they had taken cocaine and LSD during the attacks, to sustain their energy and stay awake for 50 hours.[citation needed] Police say that they found syringes on the scenes of the attacks. There were also indications that they had been taking steroids.[135] The gunman who survived said that the attackers had used Google Earth to familiarise themselves with the locations of buildings used in the attacks.[136] There were 10 gunmen, nine of whom were subsequently shot dead and one captured by security forces.[137][138] Witnesses reported that they seemed to be in their early twenties, wore black T-shirts and jeans, and that they smiled and looked happy as they shot their victims.[139] It was initially reported that some of the attackers were British citizens,[140][141] but the Indian government later stated that there was no evidence to confirm this.[142] Similarly, early reports of 12 gunmen[143] were also later shown to be incorrect.[111] On 9 December, the 10 attackers were identified by Mumbai police, along with their home towns in Pakistan: Ajmal Amir from Faridkot, Abu Ismail Dera Ismail Khan from Dera Ismail Khan, Hafiz Arshad and Babr Imran from Multan, Javed from Okara, Shoaib from Narowal, Nazih and Nasr from Faisalabad, Abdul Rahman from Arifwalla, and Fahad Ullah from Dipalpur Taluka. Dera Ismail Khan is in the North-West Frontier Province; the rest of the towns are in Pakistani Punjab.[144] On 6 April 2010, the Home Minister of Maharashtra State, which includes Mumbai, informed the Assembly that the bodies of the nine killed Pakistani gunmen from the 2008 attack on Mumbai were buried in a secret location in January 2010. The bodies had been in the mortuary of a Mumbai hospital after Muslim clerics in the city refused to let them be buried on their grounds.[145] Attackers Only one of the 10 attackers, Ajmal Kasab, survived the attack. He was hanged in Yerwada jail in 2012.[146] Killed during the onslaught were: 1. Abdul Rehman 2. Abdul Rahman Chhota 3. Abu Ali 4. Fahad Ullah 5. Ismail Khan 6. Babar Imran 7. Abu Umar 8. Abu Sohrab 9. Shoaib alias Soheb Arrests Main articles: Ajmal Kasab and Zabiuddin Ansari Ajmal Kasab was the only attacker arrested alive by police.[147] Much of the information about the attackers' preparation, travel, and movements comes from his confessions to the Mumbai police.[148] On 12 February 2009 Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik said that Pakistani national Javed Iqbal, who acquired VoIP phones in Spain for the Mumbai attackers, and Hamad Ameen Sadiq, who had facilitated money transfer for the attack, had been arrested.[110] Two other men known as Khan and Riaz, but whose full names were not given, were also arrested.[149] Two Pakistanis were arrested in Brescia, Italy (East of Milan), on 21 November 2009, after being accused of providing logistical support to the attacks and transferring more than US$200 to Internet accounts using a false ID.[150][151] They had Red Corner Notices issued against them by Interpol for their suspected involvement and it was issued after the last year's strikes.[152] In October 2009, two Chicago men were arrested and charged by the FBI for involvement in "terrorism" abroad, David Coleman Headley and Tahawwur Hussain Rana. Headley, a Pakistani-American, was charged in November 2009 with scouting locations for the 2008 Mumbai attacks.[153][154] Headley is reported to have posed as an American Jew and is believed to have links with militant Islamist groups based in Bangladesh.[155] On 18 March 2010, Headley pled guilty to a dozen charges against him thereby avoiding going to trial. In December 2009, the FBI charged Abdur Rehman Hashim Syed, a retired Major in the Pakistani army, for planning the attacks in association with Headley.[156] On 15 January 2010, in a successful snatch operation R&AW agents nabbed Sheikh Abdul Khwaja, one of the handlers of the 26/11 attacks, chief of HuJI India operations and a most wanted suspect in India, from Colombo, Sri Lanka, and brought him over to Hyderabad, India for formal arrest.[157] On 25 June 2012, the Delhi Police arrested Zabiuddin Ansari alias Abu Hamza, one of the key suspects in the attack at the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi. His arrest was touted as the most significant development in the case since Kasab's arrest.[158] Security agencies had been chasing him for three years in Delhi. Ansari is a Lashker-e-Taiba ultra and the Hindi tutor of the 10 attackers who were responsible for the Mumbai attacks in 2008.[159][160] He was apprehended, after he was arrested and deported to India by Saudi Intelligence officials as per official request by Indian authorities.[161] After Ansari's arrest, investigations revealed that in 2009 he allegedly stayed for a day in a room in Old Legislators's Hostel, belonging to Fauzia Khan, a former MLA and minister in Maharashtra Government. The minister, however, denied having any links with him. Home Minister P. Chidambaram, asserted that Ansari was provided a safe place in Pakistan and was present in the control room, which could not have been established without active State support. Ansari's interrogation further revealed that Sajid Mir and a Pakistani Army major visited India under fake names as cricket spectators to survey targets in Delhi and Mumbai for about a fortnight.[162][163][164] Casualties and compensation Main article: Casualties of the 2008 Mumbai attacks At least 164 victims (civilians and security personnel) and nine attackers were killed in the attacks. Among the dead were 28 foreign nationals from 10 countries.[2][66][165][166][167] One attacker was captured.[168] The bodies of many of the dead hostages showed signs of torture or disfigurement.[169] A number of those killed were notable figures in business, media, and security services.[170][171][172] The government of Maharashtra announced about ₹500000 (US$7,500) as compensation to the kin of each of those killed in the terror attacks and about ₹50000 (US$750) to the seriously injured.[173] In August 2009, Indian Hotels Company and the Oberoi Group received about $28 million USD as part-payment of the insurance claims, on account of the attacks on Taj Mahal and Trident, from General Insurance Corporation of India.[174] Aftermath Main article: Aftermath of the 2008 Mumbai attacks The attacks are sometimes referred to in India as "26/11", after the date in 2008 that the attacks began, in similar style to the 9/11 attacks in the United States, the 11-M attack in Madrid, Spain, and the 7/7 bombings in London, United Kingdom. The Pradhan Inquiry Commission, appointed by the Maharashtra government, produced a report that was tabled before the legislative assembly more than a year after the events. The report said the "war-like" attack was beyond the capacity to respond of any police force, but also found fault with the Mumbai Police Commissioner Hasan Gafoor's lack of leadership during the crisis.[175] The Maharashtra government planned to buy 36 speed boats to patrol the coastal areas and several helicopters for the same purpose. It also planned to create an anti-terror force called "Force One" and upgrade all the weapons that Mumbai police currently have.[176] Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on an all-party conference declared that legal framework would be strengthened in the battle against "terrorism" and a federal anti-terrorist intelligence and investigation agency, like the FBI, will be set up soon to coordinate action against "terrorism."[177] The government strengthened anti-terror laws with UAPA 2008, and the federal National Investigation Agency was formed. The attacks further strained India's slowly recovering relationship with Pakistan. India's then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee (presently President of India) declared that India may indulge in military strikes against terror camps in Pakistan to protect its territorial integrity. There were also after-effects on the United States's relationships with both countries,[178] the US-led NATO war in Afghanistan,[179] and on the Global War on Terror.[180] FBI chief Robert Mueller praised the "unprecedented cooperation" between American and Indian intelligence agencies over the Mumbai terror attack probe.[181] However, Interpol secretary general Ronald Noble said that Indian intelligence agencies did not share any information with them (Interpol).[182] A new National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) was proposed to be set up by the then Home Minister P. chidambaram as an office to collect, collate, summarise, integrate, analyse, coordinate and report all information and inputs received from various intelligence agencies, state police departments, and other ministries and their departments. Movement of troops Pakistan moved troops towards the border with India voicing concerns about the Indian government's possible plans to launch attacks on Pakistani soil if it did not cooperate. After days of talks, the Pakistan government, however, decided to start moving troops away from the border.[183] Reactions Main article: Reactions to the 2008 Mumbai attacks Candlelight vigils at the Gateway of India in Mumbai Indians criticised their political leaders after the attacks, saying that their ineptness was partly responsible. The Times of India commented on its front page that "Our politicians fiddle as innocents die."[184] Political reactions in Mumbai and India included a range of resignations and political changes, including the resignations of Minister for Home Affairs Shivraj Patil,[185] Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh[186] and deputy chief minister R. R. Patil[187] for controversial reactions to the attack including taking the former's son and Bollywood director Ram Gopal Verma to tour the damaged Taj Mahal and the latters remarks that the attacks were not a big deal in such a large city. Prominent Muslim personalities such as Bollywood actor Aamir Khan appealed to their community members in the country to observe Eid al-Adha as a day of mourning on 9 December.[188] The business establishment also reacted, with changes to transport, and requests for an increase in self-defence capabilities.[189] The attacks also triggered a chain of citizens' movements across India such as the India Today Group's "War Against Terror" campaign. There were vigils held across all of India with candles and placards commemorating the victims of the attacks.[190] The NSG commandos based in Delhi also met criticism for taking 10 hours to reach the 3 sites under attack International reaction for the attacks was widespread, with many countries and international organisations condemning the attacks and expressing their condolences to the civilian victims. Many important personalities around the world also condemned the attacks.[193] Media coverage highlighted the use of social media and Internet social networking tools, including Twitter and Flickr, in spreading information about the attacks. In addition, many Indian bloggers and Wikipedia offered live textual coverage of the attacks.[194] A map of the attacks was set up by a web journalist using Google Maps.[195][196] The New York Times, in July 2009, described the event as "what may be the most well-documented terrorist attack anywhere."[197] In November 2010, families of American victims of the attacks filed a lawsuit in Brooklyn, New York, naming Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, chief of the I.S.I., as being complicit in the Mumbai attacks. On 22 September 2011, the attack on the American Embassy in Afghanistan, was attributed to Pakistan via cell phone records identical to the attacks in Mumbai, also linked to Pakistan. The investigation is on-going.[124] Trials Kasab's trial Kasab's trial was delayed due to legal issues, as many Indian lawyers were unwilling to represent him. A Mumbai Bar Association passed a resolution proclaiming that none of its members would represent Kasab. However, the Chief Justice of India stated that Kasab needed a lawyer for a fair trial. A lawyer for Kasab was eventually found, but was replaced due to a conflict of interest. On 25 February 2009, Indian investigators filed an 11,000-page chargesheet, formally charging Kasab with murder, conspiracy, and waging war against India among other charges. Kasab's trial began on 6 May 2009. He initially pleaded not guilty, but later admitted his guilt on 20 July 2009. He initially apologised for the attacks and claimed that he deserved the death penalty for his crimes, but later retracted these claims, saying that he had been tortured by police to force his confession, and that he had been arrested while roaming the beach. The court had accepted his plea, but due to the lack of completeness within his admittance, the judge had deemed that many of the 86 charges were not addressed and therefore the trial continued. Kasab was convicted of all 86 charges on 3 May 2010. He was found guilty of murder for directly killing seven people, conspiracy to commit murder for the deaths of the 164 people killed in the three-day terror siege, waging war against India, causing terror, and of conspiracy to murder two high-ranking police officers. On 6 May 2010, he was sentenced to death by hanging.[198] [199] [200][201] However, he appealed his sentence at high court. On 21 February 2011, the Bombay High Court upheld the death sentence of Kasab, dismissing his appeal.[202] On 29 August 2012, the Indian Supreme Court upheld the death sentence for Kasab. The court stated, "We are left with no option but to award death penalty. The primary and foremost offence committed by Kasab is waging war against the Government of India.”[203] The verdict followed 10 weeks of appeal hearings, and was decided by a two-judge Supreme Court panel, which was led by Judge Aftab Alam. The panel rejected arguments that Kasab was denied a free and fair trial.[204] Kasab filed a mercy petition with the President of India, which was rejected on 5 November . Kasab was hanged in Pune's Yerwada jail in secret on 21 November 2012 at 7:30 am and naming the operation as operation 'X'. The Indian mission in Islamabad informed the Pakistan government about Kasab's hanging through letter. Pakistan refused to take the letter, which was then faxed to them. His family in Pakistan was sent news of his hanging via a courier.[205] Trials in Pakistan Indian and Pakistani police have exchanged DNA evidence, photographs and items found with the attackers to piece together a detailed portrait of the Mumbai plot. Police in Pakistan have arrested seven people, including Hammad Amin Sadiq, a homoeopathic pharmacist, who arranged bank accounts and secured supplies. Sadiq and six others begin their formal trial on 3 October 2009 in Pakistan, though Indian authorities say the prosecution stops well short of top Lashkar leaders.[206] In November 2009, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that Pakistan has not done enough to bring the perpetrators of the attacks to justice.[207] On the eve of the first anniversary of 26/11, a Pakistani anti-terror court formally charged seven accused, including LeT operations commander Zaki ur Rehman Lakhvi. However the actual trial started on 5 May 2012. The Pakistani court conducting trial of Mumbai attacks accused, reserved its judgement on the application filed by Lakhvi, challenging the report of the judicial panel, to 17 July 2012.[208] On 17 July 2012, the court refused to take the findings of the Pakistani judicial commission as part of the evidence. It however, ruled that if a new agreement that allows panel's examination of witnesses, is reached, the prosecution may move an application for sending the panel to Mumbai.[209] The Indian Government upset over the court ruling, however,contended that evidence collected by the Pakistani judicial panel has evidential value to punish all those involved in the attack.[210] On 21-September-2013, a Pakistani judicial commission arrived in India to carry out the investigation and to cross examine the witnesses. This is the second such visit, the one in March 2012 was not a success[211] as its report was rejected by an anti-terrorism court in Pakistan due to lack of evidence. Trials in the United States The LeT operative David Headley (born Daood Sayed Gilani) in his testimony before a Chicago federal court during co-accused Tahawwur Rana's trial revealed that Mumbai Chabad House was added to the list of targets for surveillance given by his Inter Services Intelligence handler Major Iqbal, though the Oberoi hotel, one of the sites attacked, was not originally on the list.[212] On 10 June 2011, Tahawwur Rana was acquitted of plotting the 2008 Mumbai attacks, but was held guilty on two other charges.[213] He was sentenced to 14 years in federal prison on 17 January 2013.[214] David Headley pleaded guilty to 12 counts related to the attacks, including conspiracy to commit murder in India and aiding and abetting in the murder of six Americans. On 23 January 2013, he was sentenced to 35 years in federal prison. His plea that he not be extradited to India, Pakistan or Denmark was accepted.[215] Display resolution The display resolution or display modes of a digital television, computer monitor or display device is the number of distinct pixels in each dimension that can be displayed. It can be an ambiguous term especially as the displayed resolution is controlled by different factors in cathode ray tube (CRT), flat-panel display which includes liquid-crystal displays, or projection displays using fixed picture-element (pixel) arrays. It is usually quoted as width × height, with the units in pixels: for example, "1024 × 768" means the width is 1024 pixels and the height is 768 pixels. This example would normally be spoken as "ten twenty-four by seven sixty-eight" or "ten twenty-four by seven six eight". One use of the term "display resolution" applies to fixed-pixel-array displays such as plasma display panels (PDPs), liquid-crystal displays (LCDs), digital light processing (DLP) projectors, or similar technologies, and is simply the physical number of columns and rows of pixels creating the display (e.g. 1920 × 1080). A consequence of having a fixed-grid display is that, for multi-format video inputs, all displays need a "scaling engine" (a digital video processor that includes a memory array) to match the incoming picture format to the display. Note that for broadcast television standards the use of the word resolution here is a misnomer, though common. The term "display resolution" is usually used to mean pixel dimensions, the number of pixels in each dimension (e.g. 1920 × 1080), which does not tell anything about the pixel density of the display on which the image is actually formed: broadcast television resolution properly refers to the pixel density, the number of pixels per unit distance or area, not total number of pixels. In digital measurement, the display resolution would be given in pixels per inch. In analog measurement, if the screen is 10 inches high, then the horizontal resolution is measured across a square 10 inches wide. This is typically stated as "lines horizontal resolution, per picture height;"[1] for example, analog NTSC TVs can typically display about 340 lines of "per picture height" horizontal resolution from over-the-air sources, which is equivalent to about 440 total lines of actual picture information from left edge to right edge. Considerations